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THE IMPACT OF COLONIAL TEA PLANTATION ECONOMY ON SOCIAL AND ECONOMY OF NANDI EAST SUB-COUNTY

THE IMPACT OF COLONIAL TEA PLANTATION ECONOMY ON SOCIAL AND ECONOMY OF NANDI EAST SUB-COUNTY: 1927-2010.

MUTAI KIPKOECH VICTOR
MA/ GC/ HIST /04/14/15

A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE AWARD OF A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN HISTORY (MA-HIST) OF CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN AFRICAN (GABA)
CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN AFRICA
APRIL, 2018DECLARATIONI declare that this is my original project and it has never been done or presented in any university for the award of a postgraduate, degree, diploma or certificate.

MUTAI KIPKOECH VICTOR
MA/GC/HST/004/14/15
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Date
COPYRIGHTNo part of this project is to be reproduced, transmitted or stored in any form or means such as electronic, mechanical or photocopy including recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior permission of the author or Catholic University of Eastern Africa (GABA) on behalf of the author.

© All rights reserved

DEDICATIONI dedicate this work to my loving wife Lenah Jebet Mutai, my children Xavier Kiprotich Muta, Ella Jeptoo kipkoech and Lyn Jepchumba koech for standing in the gap, for their endless love, support and constant follow up on my progress.

To my sisters and brothers, my parents and my in-laws thank you for your encouragement.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Most importantly, I offer magnificence to the Almighty God for giving me perseverance all through the study time frame. Gratitude to Prof Sam Nyanchoga for his sterling direction and well-disposed support in the course of my studies. His support and astute remarks made my work a win. Likewise recognize my schoolmates of MA-HISTORY for their magnificent scholastic support in the course of my studies.
Also to individuals and estates of Chebarus, Siret, Nandi East primary and secondary schools students and teachers and Nandi Tea Factory, Kapsumbeiywo factory for their readiness and co-operation during information gathering.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
TOC o “1-3” h z u DECLARATION PAGEREF _Toc512464126 h iiCOPYRIGHT PAGEREF _Toc512464127 h iiiDEDICATION PAGEREF _Toc512464128 h ivACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PAGEREF _Toc512464129 h vTABLE OF CONTENTS PAGEREF _Toc512464130 h viCHAPTER ONE PAGEREF _Toc512464131 h 1INTRODUCTION PAGEREF _Toc512464132 h 11.1 Background Information PAGEREF _Toc512464133 h 11.2 Statement of the problem PAGEREF _Toc512464134 h 31.3 Research Questions PAGEREF _Toc512464135 h 51.4 Research Objectives PAGEREF _Toc512464136 h 51.5 Purpose of the Study PAGEREF _Toc512464137 h 51.6 Limitations of the study PAGEREF _Toc512464138 h 6CHAPTER TWO PAGEREF _Toc512464139 h 6LITERATURE REVIEW PAGEREF _Toc512464140 h 62.0 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc512464141 h 62.1 Past Studies PAGEREF _Toc512464142 h 62.2 Theoretical Frameworks PAGEREF _Toc512464143 h 172.2.1 Underdevelopment Theory PAGEREF _Toc512464144 h 172.2.2 Exploitation Theory PAGEREF _Toc512464145 h 212.3 Identification of knowledge gaps PAGEREF _Toc512464146 h 252.4 History of Development of Tea Growing PAGEREF _Toc512464147 h 262.5 Colonial policies and its impacts on social and economic of Nandi east Sub County: 1927-1945 PAGEREF _Toc512464148 h 282.6.1 Establishment of Colonial Tea Plantation and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County. PAGEREF _Toc512464149 h 292.6.2. Land Alienation and Implication on Social and Economics of Nandi East Sub County PAGEREF _Toc512464150 h 412.6.3. Colonial Labor Policies and Wage Labor and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County PAGEREF _Toc512464151 h 53Table 2 Average number of Africans employed on a monthly basis in agriculture PAGEREF _Toc512464152 h 552.6.4 Colonial Taxation Policies and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County. PAGEREF _Toc512464153 h 632.6.5 Colonial Education and Missionaries Policies and Its Implication on Nandi East Sub County. PAGEREF _Toc512464154 h 782.6.6 World Wars and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County. PAGEREF _Toc512464155 h 872.6.7 Migration of the Community and Its Implication on the Social and Economics of Nandi East Sub County PAGEREF _Toc512464156 h 922.6.8 The Swynnerton Plan of 1954 and its Implication on Social And Economy Of Nandi East Sub County PAGEREF _Toc512464157 h 962.6.9 General Impacts of Colonial Policies On Social And Economics Of Nandi East Sub County PAGEREF _Toc512464158 h 1002.7 Post Colonial Policies and Its Implication On Social And Economic Of Nandi East Sub County 1960-1990 PAGEREF _Toc512464159 h 1032.7.1. Post Resettlement PAGEREF _Toc512464160 h 1032.7.2. The dominance of MNCs in cash crops and food production. PAGEREF _Toc512464161 h 1072.7.3 Liberalization approaches on agricultural sector PAGEREF _Toc512464162 h 1082.7.4 Structural Adjustments Programs. SAPs PAGEREF _Toc512464163 h 109CHAPTER THREE PAGEREF _Toc512464164 h 112RESEARCH METHODOLOGY PAGEREF _Toc512464165 h 1123.0 introduction PAGEREF _Toc512464166 h 1123.1 The study area PAGEREF _Toc512464167 h 1123.2 Research Design PAGEREF _Toc512464168 h 1133.3. Target population. PAGEREF _Toc512464169 h 1133.4 Data Collection Instruments PAGEREF _Toc512464170 h 1133.4.1 Questionnaire PAGEREF _Toc512464171 h 1143.4.2 Documents Analysis PAGEREF _Toc512464172 h 1143.5 Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments PAGEREF _Toc512464173 h 1143.5.1 Validity test PAGEREF _Toc512464174 h 1143.5.2 Reliability Test PAGEREF _Toc512464175 h 1153.6 Data collection procedures PAGEREF _Toc512464176 h 1153.7 Ethical issues PAGEREF _Toc512464177 h 116CHAPTER FOUR PAGEREF _Toc512464178 h 117ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS PAGEREF _Toc512464179 h 1174.1 Ethnic Conflicts in Nandi East Sub-County PAGEREF _Toc512464180 h 1174.2 Sexual harassment PAGEREF _Toc512464181 h 1194.3 Lack of Unity by Nandi People PAGEREF _Toc512464182 h 1204.4 Prostitutions PAGEREF _Toc512464183 h 1204.5 Language PAGEREF _Toc512464184 h 1214.6 Education PAGEREF _Toc512464185 h 1214.7 Religion PAGEREF _Toc512464186 h 1214.8 Loss and destruction of culture PAGEREF _Toc512464187 h 1224.9 Risk of disease PAGEREF _Toc512464188 h 1224.10 Liberalization of Nandi East Sub-County PAGEREF _Toc512464189 h 1234.11 Irregular Infrastructure PAGEREF _Toc512464190 h 1264.12 Corruption PAGEREF _Toc512464191 h 1264.13 Change of women role in labour PAGEREF _Toc512464192 h 1264.14 Introduction of Cash Economy PAGEREF _Toc512464193 h 1284.15 Modernization and technological advancement: PAGEREF _Toc512464194 h 1294.16 Poverty PAGEREF _Toc512464195 h 1294.17 Land in Nandi East Sub-County PAGEREF _Toc512464196 h 1304.18 Developments in smallholder tea production in Nandi East Sub-County from 1964 to 2010 PAGEREF _Toc512464197 h 1384.19 Summaries of data analysis, presentation and interpretation. PAGEREF _Toc512464198 h 143CHAPTER FIVE PAGEREF _Toc512464199 h 147SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS PAGEREF _Toc512464200 h 1475.1 Summary PAGEREF _Toc512464201 h 1475.2 Conclusions PAGEREF _Toc512464202 h 161REFERENCES PAGEREF _Toc512464203 h 164Appendix I: Nandi County Map PAGEREF _Toc512464204 h 166
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background Information
Tea is one of the essential cash crops grown in Kenya. Kenya adds to around 10% of the world’s exports tea population and Nandi East Sub County is one of the areas where tea is cultivated in Kenya. It is likewise the vital financial contributor in Nandi East Sub County as a large portion of its population depends on tea cultivation and it is the main employer of inhabitants in Nandi East Sub County.
Tea is the principle economy of the general population of Nandi Hills and it employs many of Nandi East Sub County s’ residence. Cultivation of tea is basic to improving the living standard of the people, the comforts of the general population and also giving critical monetary development in Nandi hills. Tea was initially brought to Kenya in 1903 by Europeans namely GWL Caine, who brought the tea plant from India to the colony of Kenya and the first tea to be planted, was in 1927. The British Colonial Administration exported tea to London by 1933 to earn foreign exchange. The cultivation of tea during colonial time was essentially the safeguard of the white settlers. When Kenya was granted independence in 1963 by the British, the cultivation of tea was integrated to both small scale and large scale African farmers who had purchased land from white settlers who were willing to leave the country.
Nandi East Sub County is one of the tea growing zones in Kenya, situated in Nandi East sub-county, Nandi County, Rift valley, Kenya. The region climate is cool and wet with temperatures running from 10°C and 24°C; it is rich in volcanic soils which make the territory the best to grow tea. Nandi Hills’ tea cultivations are done by both large scale estates and small scale farmers, in which they supply the tea to estates factories either owned separately or through Sacco associations. It is evaluated that more than 6, 000 smallholder tea cultivators are providing tea to tea handling organizations, companies or industries that purchase, process and market their tea at a fee in tea auctions in Mombasa. These companies that process tea and also grow the tea are; Chemomi, Savani, Kibware, Nandi tea, Kapsumbeiywo, Siret, Kapchorwa and DL Koisagat
Kenya is predominantly an agricultural based economy with leading crops being tea, horticulture, cereals (wheat and maize), sugarcane and meat and dairy production are the key economic drivers in the livestock sector (Anon, 1994).Tea is an important cash crop in Kenya. At individual level, it generates cash income and at national level, it generates the much needed foreign exchange and also provides employment. Kenya ranks fourth world’s largest producer of black tea, after India, China and Sri Lanka, and the leading exporter of tea (Anon, 2002).

Colonization was an extension of the trading links between Africa and Europe lived for over 400 years. Peasant agriculture was popular in most parts of the region and there was no money economy. Production patterns were conditioned by land availability. The decision to colonize large parts of Africa was driven by the need to support the industrial revolution with undisrupted flows of raw materials in large quantities, cheap labor and also looking for new markets for their industrial products, competition among European like between France, Germany and British, both politically and militarily and individual expedition that sought to achieve fame.

During colonial era in Africa there were three types of economies that were; Peasant economy that in West Africa and parts of East Africa, the settler economies in eastern and southern Africa that developed plantations using huge labor reserves and economy that through the chartered companies in Congo and East Africa for example the imperial British East Africa company (IBEACO).

Introduction of Colonial economy was with the aim of making production, distribution and consumption of western material wealth. Colonial economy in Africa was introduced due to the industrial revolution in Europe. It led to the need for raw materials, markets, areas of investment and labourers.

1.2 Statement of the problemTopographically, the study was studied in Nandi East Sub-county, Nandi County and Rift valley, Kenya. In spite of the fact that there are other studies on colonial tea plantation economy in Nandi East Sub County that have been done on in numerous areas for example; Oboler, R. S (1985), Book : Women, power and economic change: the Nandi of Kenya, Stanford University Press, USA. This ethnographic book is based on fieldwork conducted in Nandi District, Western Kenya, between April 1976 and December 1977. It presents a case study of the impact of colonialism, capitalism, and a cash economy on sex and gender roles among the Nandi, a semi-pastoral and patrilineal people of Western Kenya. The analysis focuses on the roles of women and men in production, and on women’s and men’s respective relations to property. Since the sex roles associated with production and property relations are intrinsically connected with sex roles in other areas, namely in the marriage system, husband-wife relations, kinship and cultural ideals of male and female, these areas are also dealt with where appropriate. It is asked whether the changes in Nandi society have been favourable or unfavourable for women, and whether women’s economic position has improved or deteriorated as a result of colonialism and socio-economic change, but very little has been on the issue particularly on the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social and economy of Nandi east sub-county.
The studies will limit itself to a particularly Nandi East Sub County, Nandi Hills however, this issue endures in other tea cultivating areas like, Kericho, Bomet, Meru and Limuru. For the most parts, the study was on the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social and economy of Nandi east sub-county. The factors includes colonial issues like taking away the African land, wage labour, creations of areas for African reserves, entry of white settlers and post-colonial arrangements.

Lack of data on the volume and magnitude of the impact of colonial tea plantation economy has made it hard for policy makers to spotlight the nature and magnitude of impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social economic of Nandi East Sub-County, the causes, determinants and consequences. The general motive of the findings of the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social economic of Nandi East Sub-County survey is, therefore, to offer adequate records.
My study was based from 1927 to 2010 because the first settler to settle and grow tea in Nandi East Sub County was in 1927. It also has a result of various ordinances passed by the colonial government which saw the taking away of African land on lease for 999 years and to 2010 because of the 2010 constitution which reduce the land lease to 99 years hence see the end of Multinational Corporation in Nandi East Sub County which ends in 2017. The Nandi leases were to initially run for a period of 999 years, but that was reduced to 99 years upon enactment of the 2010 Constitution.

1.3 Research QuestionsHow did the colonial tea plantation economy impacted on social and economic of Nandi East Sub County, Kenya?
How was colonial tea plantation economy introduced in Nandi East Sub County, Kenya?
Was the colonial tea plantation economy preservative, creative, exploitative or destructive in colonial tea plantation economy?
What were the features of colonial tea plantation economy different from pre-colonial economy?
1.4 Research ObjectivesTo assess how the colonial tea plantation economy impacted on social and economic of Nandi East Sub County, Kenya
To assess how the colonial tea plantation economy was introduced in Nandi East Sub County, Kenya
To examine whether the colonial tea plantation economy preservative, creative, exploitative or destructive in colonial tea plantation economy
To examine the features of colonial tea plantation economy which were different from pre-colonial economy
1.5 Purpose of the StudyThe purpose of the study is to analyze the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy.

1.6 Limitations of the studyThe reliability of the information was obtained largely depending on the attitudes of the respondents. Some may give wrong or false information which may limit the accuracy of the findings. Estates workers and particularly the managers were unwilling to disclose their information, because of fear. Also, lack of adequate secondary data especially on the Nandi community during pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial hence gathering of the information on the exact impact of the colonial tea plantation on social and economic of Nandi east Sub County was a challenge.

CHAPTER TWOLITERATURE REVIEW2.0 Introduction
This chapter will concentrate on determining what has already been done and published in relation to the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy coverage guided by the research questions of this study. This chapter will give a critical review of hypothesis applicable; identify gap(s) that existing. In addition, this chapter will center on the study within an existing research and gives a framework for understanding the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy issues in Nandi east sub-county. It will also shows how the findings of the study will add to the understanding and knowledge of the field on colonial economy and especially on tea farms and to Nandi east sub-county as whole.
2.1 Past StudiesBuell, (1965) deals with the whole of colonial Africa and examines various colonial policies towards Africans. The theories of Trusteeship, the Dual policy and partnership have been analyzed with a view to portraying the changing relationship between the colonial masters and their subjects. Buell analyses various forms of forced labour in colonial Africa.

Winston et al., (1972) narrates in detail the settler and government involvement in the plantation economy. Sorrenson, in Origins of European Settlement in Kenya (1968) discusses how European immigrants were encouraged by the colonial government to take up lands so as to promote the economic settlement of the protectorate and to make the Railway pay. The colonial office devised suitable legislation to regulate settlement. The encouragement of the white settlers to settle in the so called “white Highlands” led to establishment of African reserves.

Ann Frontera in her book, Persistence and Change: A History of Taveta provides excellent material on the many experiences of change and continuity the Taveta society underwent during the colonial period. She has lucidly described the loss of political autonomy through the establishment of political over lordship by the British. Two of the most important Taveta institutions, the Irika (age-set) system lost most of the functional value they had enjoyed in pre-colonial times. Economically, much of the Taveta land was alienated hence a loss of security and livelihood. According to Frontera, despite the destructive potential from these forces for change, the Taveta managed to preserve much of their traditional way of life. The economy of Taveta is still based on production for local consumption than for distant markets.

Wolf in Britain and Kenya: The Economies of Colonialism 1870-1930 (1974) examines the colonial period in the context of colonialism and brings out the injustices of the system as encased in the metropolitan plot to rob satellite states. He highlights both the predicament of the creation of a socio-economic policy that buttressed the settler community at the expense of the African and Asian community.

Robert Tignor in his book, the Colonial Transformation of Kenya, has explored the impact of colonial rule on three Kenyan societies, the Kamba, Kikuyu and Maasai. His interest has been to examine how African lives were affected by the colonial system. He examines aspects of change and continuity. According to Tignor, the colonial system was a set of unequal relationships. Africans served as underpaid unskilled labourers, and as subordinate clerks, teachers and chiefs. The rural folks suffered forced destocking in the name of maintaining an ecological equilibrium.

Colin Leys, in Underdevelopment in Kenya (1975) observed that the Europeans had a monopoly of high potential land in the white highlands. Europeans also had monopolies of most profitable crops and the most profitable markets. The Africans, on the other hand, were confined in their traditional areas but were not provided with the techniques, the crops, the capital or the services to farm them intensively for the market. This, he contends, led to underdevelopment of Africans out of which labour migrations to Europeans farms emerged.

Okoth-Ogendo, on Tenants of the Crown (1991) concerns himself with the role of agrarian law in the administration of Kenya’s agriculture between 1895 and 1963. He attempts to define and explain how the process of European settlement in Kenya shaped the evolution of agrarian law and the manner in which that law was used to structure political and economic choices during the colonial period. He argues that the legal organisation of the colonial agricultural economy was designed to enable the European sector to develop by underdeveloping the African sector.

A different interpretation is offered by Mwanzi on A History of the Kipsigis (1977) who has dismissed the clan narrations of origin, migration and settlement of the Kalenjin people. According to Mwanzi, all attempts by scholars to trace Kalenjin origin from a northern direction are equally unimportant and reject such a possibility. His thesis is that the Kalenjin speaking people and particularly the Kipsigis as such “have not come from anywhere. He writes that “rather than talk of the spread of Kalenjin, we should talk of the coming together of the enthnic communities that make up the present Kalenjin. Concentration on migration tends to over emphasize physical movement and consequently overlooks social and cultural developments which normally require some degree of settled life”.

Aseka (1989) has analysed the Buluyia economic and political systems in the precolonial and colonial periods, using the historical and dialectical materialist approach. He identified various contradictions between the imperialist British metropolitan government and imperialist colonial state in Kenya on one hand and the unprecedented upsurge of the nationalist struggle in the colony on the other. He examined the issues of land alienation, labour expropriation, taxation, commodity production, trade and exchange in Buluyialand and showed how the Buluyia indigenous farmers entrenched themselves into commodity production and some were even turned into a waged labour force for colonial capitalism. Through agriculture, wage labour, squatterdom and education, Aseka provided a detailed study of various social formations, forces of production and the process of accumulation of wealth by an embryonic African middle class, resulting in social differentiation and the formation of wealthy and waged labour force elements in the populace. His work has provided valuable reflections in the direction of the present study.

Brett (1973) explores the nature of the connection between colonialism and underdevelopment. He shows the economic basis of colonial politics and advances the view that the settler economy underdeveloped indigenous African economies in Kenya. But, Brett’s analysis, like other dependency theorists, is conservative and he centres his explanation of underdevelopment on the world system theory. His work gives a generalised view of economic development in colonial Kenya with no attention to particular communities.

Matson on Nandi Resistance to British rule (1972) believes that the Kalenjin contigents concentrated in the country bounded on the west by Mount Elgon and on the east by the Suk and cherangani hills. According to him, it is debatable whether the first settlements were made on Mount Elgon or the eastern hills, but it seemed that there was considerable amount of wandering within the concentration area before some of the sections settled permanently, and others moved away to their present locations. Kalenjin traditions agree that at that time all sections were members of one tribe. The migration sequence among the various sections is not clear, but there is some evidence that the Tatoga and the Suk (Pokot) moved away before the others and were the first to become tribal entities, occupying separate territories and speaking distinctive dialects.

The study done by Kiprono, P.K., Sudoi, V.K., M’ribu Kaburu and Mwaura, F.K. on the socio economic factors influencing productivity of the smallholder subsector of the Kenyan tea industry: a survey of Nandi district; International Journal of Current Research Vol. 3, Issue, 10, pp.031-034, September, 2011. A study was carried out to identify the socio-economic factors which influence tea productivity in the smallholder sub sector of Nandi district. 126 farmers from Chebut tea factory were identified and interviewed along key informants who were also identified. Data from the survey and secondary sources was analyzed, and the following were identified as the main socio-economic factors that influence tea productivity, low labour allocated to tea production, low number of tea plantation owned and low proportion of land under tea. It was concluded that the factors that influence yield significantly include number of bushes owned by the farmer, amount of labour utilized and its efficiency. Other factors such as off-farm income, number of clones, proportion of land under tea and tea as a main income were not significant in explaining tea productivity in the catchment. It was recommended that proper system of remuneration should be developed to motivate and employ a higher percentage of the available family labour in tea production. The extension service department should sensitize farmers on the importance of employing the available family labour in tea production.

A study done by Jebet Merab on women’s access to land and agricultural productivity in kipkaren division, Nandi district Kenya. A thesis submitted to Nairobi University. The main objective of the study was to determine whether women’s agricultural productivity is affected by the amount of land they have access to. The research was interested in the following issues: the area of land owned/or operated by women farmers of different marital status; patterns of land acquisition and type of land tenure security; production of food and cash crops by area and yield for different categories of women; whether the land has been registered and if so, in whose name; other constraining factors such as labour, credit, extension services, level of education, age and decision making power.

A paper by Prisca Tanui on Gender Analysis of the Influence of Colonial Policies on Access to Land and Agricultural Technology among the Nandi in Kenya, 1895-1954. In her paper she looks at the rural agricultural activities in imperial time in Nandi with connection to the sex orientation. In particular, she looked and highlighted the sexual orientation contrasts to access to agricultural assets and control over them. She analyzed the verifiable changes in Nandi’s political, economic and social establishments and shows how these influenced the relations of production in the society. Specifically she took a gender at sexual orientation access to land, job specialization and innovation improvement especially on technology and how these influenced production. The start of imperialism era in the area is likewise tackled in her paper. This, as it were, encourages the examination of the impacts of British success on Nandi pre-colonial sexual orientation relations in farming and agriculture at large. The effect of forced labour, taking away of their land and new innovation in technology is looked as an impact on sex relations of production and farming development in Nandi.
As indicated by the study of Jeniffer Birech, Joseph Kabiru, Josphine Misaro, David K. Kariuki. On their paper; Alcohol Abuse and the Family: A Case Study of the Nandi Community of Kenya. Their study examined the variables that have prompted liquor abuse among the family unit heads and its contemporary financial or economic impacts on family life in Kenya in Nandi community. The fundamental goal of the study was to discover the financial or economic effect of liquor abuse among the families in Nandi society. The study demonstrated that: harsh financial conditions have added to liquor abuse; socio-cultural changes have assumed their part whereby religious and customary controls used to watch on the abuse of liquor separately; marriage solidness and prosperity of the children wellbeing have been antagonistically influenced, especially the families which depended on making of changaa and busaa for their survival. The study prescribed that; option sources of earning ought to be acquainted all together with check on the issue; guidance and counseling focuses ought to be set up in the society and that awareness is ought to be made on the effect of liquor abuse on the family.
Another study by Prisca Tanui Too and Ms Esther Arusei, a journal on historical injustices and ethnic conflicts in the Rift Valley: The case of the Nandi: The study indicates that the Nandi community has participated in the ethnic clashes in the Rift Valley because of verifiable historical injustice. Even though their grievances over land were aired in numerous points of view in the colonial time going from uprising, moving to the neighboring nations, squatting and requests the imperial government for the returned of alienated land through their African pioneers leaders. The colonial state did not take into consideration of these interests until 1954, when a settlement plan was begun in a place called Sarora, even though the plan was insufficient to address the issue of the land in Nandi. After the accomplishment of independence, a few and rich people from Nandi obtained land in previous white highland. But, the administration policy of opening this land to willing purchaser and willing seller made the Nandi, other Kalenjin and Maasai to go after land with individuals from different tribe, which they considered as their genealogical or ancestral land. The Nandi at the end of the day aired their grievances through their pioneer leader, like Jean Marie Seroney, however he was dealt with ruthlessly.
Oboler, R. S (1985) on his book women, power and economic change; the Nandi of Kenya,Stanford University Press,USA. His ethnographic book is based on fieldwork conducted in Nandi District, Western Kenya, between April 1976 and December 1977. It presents a case study of the impact of colonialism, capitalism, and a cash economy on sex and gender roles among the Nandi, a semi-pastoral and patrilineal people of Western Kenya. The analysis focuses on the roles of women and men in production, and on women’s and men’s respective relations to property. Since the sex roles associated with production and property relations are intrinsically connected with sex roles in other areas, namely in the marriage system, husband-wife relations, kinship and cultural ideals of male and female, these areas are also dealt with where appropriate. It is asked whether the changes in Nandi society have been favourable or unfavourable for women, and whether women’s economic position has improved or deteriorated as a result of colonialism and socio-economic change
Another study done by Christopher K Saina and Julius Gordon Tanui; (2015), on The Physical State of Forest Cowl and Land use in Kenya- a case of Nandi hills forests in Nandi County, Kenya; The Nandi Hills and Forests inside the Nandi County are predominant water catchments for Lake Victoria. However, it has been confronted by sizeable decline and degradation in recent times, thereby impacting the hydrological exceptional and amount within the Lake Victoria Basin. They have to change due to degradation of the Nandi Hills and Nandi Forests, epitomized by the receding wooded area cover, drying up of formerly everlasting streams, instances of mudslides and rock falls, and downstream flooding. The paper sought to establish the kingdom of and use of the Nandi Hills/Forests as water catchment location in Nandi County, Kenya. The examiner adopted a combined methodological layout which included both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The blended methodological methods used inside the have a look at had been the concurrent triangulation and nested/embedded designs. A 4-tier evaluation turned into finished as soon as all the statistics had been coded and grouped. The analysis protected categories of the population in the examiner location; particularly the families, establishments and community agencies, and analysis of Landsat snap shots for trade detection.

John Kipkorir Tanui, Weiying Feng, Xinghui Li1, Yuhua Wang and Mary J. Kipsat on their study paper, Socio-economic constrains to adoption of yield improving tea farming technologies: A study of small holder tea farmers affiliated to estate in Nandi Hills, Kenya. They contended that there exists an alarmingly low take-up of these advances or technology by small scale holder tea agriculturists which make up loop holes in the present tea area strategies and innovation move worth investigating in the small scale tea sub sector. Absence of knowledge on social and financial contributors that oblige the selection of these packages by smallholder tea agriculturists could be the reason for the wide loop holes that exist on the rate of reception inside the estates and small holder tea sub segments. This is unmistakably shown by inefficiency of productivity throughout the last years. Understanding these components may give clarifications to the low adoption rates, thus could be utilized to define strategies and offer research suggestions. The study evaluated how social-economic components impact smallholder choice to embrace the accessible tea cultivating technologies. Unmistakable descriptive and logistics regression were utilized with social-economic components as autonomous factors being relapsed against the reliant variable of suggested yield enhancing tea cultivating innovation in the Logistic Regression Model.

Another study by Charles C. Stover, Ian J. Sliney, Silas Njiru, Jay Clark and Dr. Ballam Kalele on A Public-Private Partnership in Kenya: The Nandi Hills Doctors Scheme. Paper Presented at the WCAR Network on Social Policies and Economic Factors Meeting on Basic Social Services Decentralization and Partnership with Private Sector: Dakar, (26-29 April 1999). The study discusses particular parts of the health services conveyance system in Nandi Hills, which is taken care privately by the Nandi Hills Tea Growers Association and publically by the Ministry of Health in Kenya. There are a few interfaces between the private systems of the NHTGA and the general population arrangement and policies by the MOH which represent earlier and current endeavors of cooperation between the two agencies. In the last twelve months, particular new private-public coordinated effort begun. While this present chapter is developing now, to some extent with specialized help from the AFS Project financed by USAID, a significant number of the key activities and related issues are displayed for dialogue. The activities of the Nandi Hills Tea Growers Association in achievement of essential administrations in the dispensaries they work in make critical open doors for open private-public joint effort as they work with the main body of the Nandi Hills Sub-District Hospital. Numerous activities are especially worked in advance which proves to be fruitful throughout the following two years. The Ministry of Health has of late designated a private doctor’s facility board, yet with indistinct lines of power, to direct the administration of the doctor’s facility. Since the Tea Growers Association is effectively speaking on the efficiency of the facility board, the open doors for close cooperation and coordination between the activities in the interest of the private dispensaries and those activities to enhance the clinic can be firmly inter-linked, despite the fact that there are numerous alternatives to consider and numerous decisions for every association to make all alone. The APHIA Financing and Sustainability (AFS) Project, a respective USAID-supported contract with Management Sciences for Health, is putting forth specialized help to the Tea Growers Association in investigating its methodologies and actualizing useful changes in the field of open private coordinated effort.
2.2 Theoretical FrameworksTheories are systematic apparatuses which help one to clarify why certain things are how they are. Again it is equipped for foreseeing future events furthermore fit for being tried through test, falsifications and empirical observations. This meaning of logical hypothesis helps to give a superior scientific competition of the theories I have picked.
In this area I mean to give account on specific hypotheses which I accept will clarify the ideological social perspective of the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy. I have accumulated two types of theories to be specific;
2.2.1 Underdevelopment TheoryA school of thought whom has been more fashionable and widely applied in analyzing the colonial period has been the underdevelopment theory. This school argues that colonialism brought with it the capitalist mode of production and the integration of local economies into the capitalist world system. A characteristic of this was that colonies would provide raw materials which would be used for production in the imperialist economy. In addition a major function of colonies was to provide new markets for the colonizing power. According to Colin Leys, the British colonial government in Kenya was basically interested in the exportation of primary commodities and importation of manufactured goods. Atieno- Odhiambo states that during the colonial period the peasants and workers were “mere cogs in the wheel of capitalism.

Colonial Africa found itself in the international capitalist economy from which surplus was drawn to feed the metropole. It is evident that, exploitation of land and labour is a necessity for advancement of human social, only if the availability of product is made within the locality where the exploitation occurs. Colonial economy was not only a way of exploitation; its aim was also to repatriate the profits to the metropole. From an Afrocentric view, it sees that it amounted to consistent expatriation of surplus produced by African labour out of African resources. It meant that as Europe developed, Africa was underdeveloped.

In addition to private companies, the colonial state also engaged directly in the economic exploitation and impoverishment of Africa. The colonial offices in each colonial country worked together with their governors in African colony to undertake a number of functions; the main ones being: to defend national pride against competition from other states; also to mediate the disputes between their European nations and to guarantee maximum conditions under which chartered companies could exploit Africa’s resources.

The last mentioned objective was the most crucial. That is why colonial governments were repeatedly speaking about ‘the maintenance of law and order’, by which they meant the maintenance of conditions most favourable to the expansion of capitalism and the plunder of Africa.

According to Zeleza, the imposition of colonial rule entailed the process of capitalist penetration of African economies. This was so because the colonial state played a fundamental role in the process of what is referred to as “primitive accumulation” by propping up settler production through alienation of land, introduction of a coercive labour control system and the growth of commerce and trade. Zeleza, however, hastens to add that despite this, “peasant commodity production was not destroyed” but “there was effective exploitation of opportunities offered by expanding local and external markets.

Brett, in Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East Africa (1973) concerned with an examination of the process of underdevelopment argues that the contact and impact of colonialism is essentially exploitative. He observed that settler dominance virtually excluded peasant development among the Africans. It required a net transfer of resources from the Africans to the European sector. It also required that the African sector be reduced to an underdeveloped labour reservoir for the European settler.

Colin Leys, in Underdevelopment in Kenya (1975) observed that the Europeans had a monopoly of high potential land in the white highlands. Europeans also had monopolies of most profitable crops and the most profitable markets. The Africans, on the other hand, were confined in their traditional areas but were not provided with the techniques, the crops, the capital or the services to farm them intensively for the market. This, he contends, led to underdevelopment of Africans out of which labour migrations to Europeans farms emerged.

Andre Gunder Frank in his capital development of underdevelopment (1969) argued that mercantilist capital colonialism penetrated the countries of Africa, Asia and South America, plundering the resources of those areas of the world and destroyed their indigenous production system in order to force them to serve the economic ends of the European colonial powers.
According to him, the economic surplus of the colonies, were siphoned off of the mother countries to the metropoles, contributing substantially to the development of the metropoles and underdevelopment of the former satellite countries or peripheries. This exploitative process of the peripheries by the metropoles has continued up to the present day, although, the form has changed from mercantile colonialism to Laissez-faire industrial neo-colonialism to multi-national corporate neo-colonialism.
In an article he published in 1966, Frank had argued that most theories fail to explain the structure and development of the capitalist system as a whole and to account for its simultaneous generation of underdevelopment in some of its parts and of economic development of others. He criticized the view that economic development takes place through a succession of stages and that underdeveloped countries of today may pass through higher stage of development. He showed that underdevelopment was not original and traditional; rather, the now developed countries according to him were never underdeveloped, though they may have been underdeveloped.

Underdevelopment and neo-colonialism which had their roots in mercantile imperialism, new imperialism and colonialism. Mercantile imperialism concentrated on extractive activities of taking essential raw materials from Africa; new imperialism focused on the export of capital and colonialism was both extractive and destructive.
2.2.2 Exploitation TheoryThe term exploitation refers to one person or group of persons who take from other(s) her/his capacities or natural power(s) to appropriate them, without giving in return the equivalent of what is taken from them (Jónasdóttir 1991). A relationship which depicts exploitation is formed by two parties, exploiter and exploitee, and is characterized by inequality/injustice. There is no equilibrium/fairness in the relationship (the load is absolutely unequal and the exploitee gets the worst of it); in this relationship the exploitee’s rights are violated or contravened, and exploitees obtain less than it what would otherwise be considered fair (Jónasdóttir 1991) in the society where the relationship takes place.

Exploitation as indicated by Karl Marx is a marvel which is hearty when one unwinds the prerequisite that organizations for labour exchange coercive (Romer 1982). As the idea of class exist in each society, whether it being a communist, capitalist, socialist and so forth so additionally what is equivalent disparity. Despite the fact that there is disparity in all financial instruments, not all imbalances are seen as exploitative. For instance, the disparity of an master and a slave was seen as an equitable and non-exploitative by numerous in the old times, however the present day society of today view saw this demonstration of our progenitors as unjust and exploitative. This indicates here goes demonstrate that the theory of Karl Marx hypothesis of exploitation exists and stays practical regardless of the possibility that the marvel or the methods for production are socialized (ibid).
Romer, 1982, claims that Marx exploitation hypothesis is from numerous points of view better than the established methodologies of the labour hypothesis of significant worth, yet this concedes these two theories are somewhat related. As per him, this is on account of the property relations approach is broader and has possessed the capacity to discover answers for some traditional issues of the work hypothesis of significant worth way to deal with exploitation (ibid).
Subsequently Romer proposed a sort scientific and hypothetical clarification for exploitation. In this hypothetical gadget he attempted to cleared up and reason it with what and which economic imbalance can be assessed as exploitative and bad habit visa. In his logarithm he marks the coalition S to be a piece of a bigger society N;
= Person S is in the bigger society N.
This claim base on the assumption;
(1). S is exploitation “if and just if” there is an option, which might be think about as hypothetically feasible, in which S would be preferred of over it is in this current circumstance.
(2). under this option, the supplement to S, the coalition N-S = S’ would be more awful off than at present (Romer 1982)
This device can acquire some great elucidation of exploitation in reference to human condition. He advance guaranteed that exploitation of the human condition is recognizable from the exploitation of characteristic assets and that, exploitation of “S” (human) is being done by individuals and not by nature or innovation (ibid). The general meaning of exploitation disregards some dynamic issues while developing the counterfactual against which its judges the present distribution. An option for the allotment of society’s pay can be acknowledge by the labourers through helpful assertion in an economy where private property is regarded, yet there ought to be no ties of servitude or duty emerging thereof. (ibid: 94′)
Moreover, the authentic realist origination dispenses with every single different type of exploitation all together until communist is arrived at. This as per the study of the Gotha program will emerge some kind of allurement to guarantee. The Gotha program is portrayed by the expression “from each as indicated by his capacity, to each as per his need” (ibid: 99).

Notwithstanding, in chronicled realism, the assignment of a given age is to dispense with it accompanying type of exploitation. To add more to this, a more basic perusing of verifiable realism have indicate counter shrewd, this new confirmation rather guarantees that the age is to expel the shackles on the advancement of the beneficial strengths, this is not really the same as delivering a circumstance in which the immediate makers are in an ideal situation (ibid).
From this Marxist hypothesis of exploitation, they keep up that industrialist or capaitalist exploitation was progressively and socially vital in the early phases of capitalist. It is additionally imperative to note that capitalist is an ideal monetary structure for assisting the advancement of the gainful drive at a specific stage in their improvement (ibid: 100).
To finish up abuse has been a verifiable occasion that has existed in all the diverse sorts of popular government that States practice; there are a different level of exploitation in communism, socialism, capitalism and so forth. At the end of the day, for a country to create it needs to go through a specific phase of exploitation in the early period of its growth. Many cases of this can be said to be the French Revolutionist belief system that closure Federal exploitation would involve freedom, however shockingly they were demonstrate wrong as an aftereffect of them, thinking little of the impacts capitalist exploitation (ibid:104).

Samir Amin, He was an Egyptian economist and political scientist. His main argument was that the colonial process was project of penetration. The colonial period was used to plant an imperial set up which lasts to date through various forms and models in the post-colonial state. In Africa, he argues that former colonial powers used the structures which they planned to exploit Africa. Samir Amin argues that the exploitation takes place through economic,political, social and cultural structures played throughout colonial institutions. He says that in every former colony, there are multiple structures through which former colonial interests are articulated through banking insurance, transportation, education, ideologies etc. His argument was that there is no sector that does not suffer from colonial legacy. The colonial legacy is largely direct or indirect. Dependency is inevitable.

Karl Marx conceptualized colonialism as a major moment in the historical process of PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION, and therefore as a precondition for the domination of the capitalist mode of production (CMP). As he said: “The colonial system ripened trade and navigation as in a hot-house … The treasures captured outside Europe by undisguised looting, enslavement and murder flowed back to the mother country and were turned into capital there” (Marx 1990:918).

The African crisis is composite of underdevelopment and neo colonialism which had its roots in mercantile imperialism, new imperialism and colonialism. Mercantile imperialism concentrated on extractive activities of taking essential raw materials from Africa; new imperialism focused on the export of capital and colonialism was both extractive and destructive.
2.3 Identification of knowledge gapsThere is no research that has been done on perspective on the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social and economy of Nandi east sub-county. Most of the research on tea plantation is outside Nandi East Sub County or not on the topic of on the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social and economy for example, research or studies on Nandi Hills for example of John Kipkorir Tanui, Weiying Feng, Xinghui Li1, Yuhua Wang and Mary J. Kipsat on their research paper, Socio-economic constraints to adoption of yield improving tea farming technologies: A study of small holder tea farmers affiliated to estates in Nandi Hills, Kenya and Charles C. Stover, Ian J. Sliney, Silas Njiru, Jay Clark and Dr. Ballam Kalele on A Public-Private Partnership in Kenya: The Nandi Hills Doctors Scheme. Presented at the WCAR Network on Social Policies and Economic Factors Meeting on Basic Social Services Decentralization and Partnership with Private Sector in Dakar, on 26-29 April 1999, these studies do not touch the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy which is study able.

Other studies; Prisca Tanui Too and Ms Esther Arusei, journal on historical injustices and ethnic conflicts in the Rift Valley: The case of the Nandi and Jeniffer Birech, Joseph Kabiru, Josphine Misaro, David K. Kariuki. On their paper; Alcohol Abuse and the Family: A Case Study of the Nandi Community of Kenya. Their studies did not talk on the issue of the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy even though on the same community of the people living in Nandi Hills.

These studies was very important for the government official in Kenya and also in Nandi Hills especially in tackling the issue of the impact of colonial tea plantation economy on Nandi east sub-county social and economy. Also, it improves the welfare of the people of the Nandi East Sub County.
2.4 History of Development of Tea GrowingThe tea plant is a shrub in it wilds state. It was called Thea sinensis at first, and currently named Camellia sinensis. According to Nguyen Ngoc Kinh (1979) tea can be grouped into four types:
· Chinese big leaf tea (Camellia sinensis var. macrophylla)
· Chinese small leaf tea (Camellia sinensis var. bohea)
· Shan tea (Camellia sinensis var. Shan)
· Indian tea (Camellia sinensis var. assamica)
The tea plant originated from triangle formed by Naga, Manipuri and Lushai along the border of Assam and Burma, to China and southeast of the parts of Burma, Thailand and Viet Nam, argues Muraleedhara (1991)
Djemukhatze (1976) did a survey on wild tea plants in a number of places in Viet Nam (Ha Giang, Nghia Lo, Lao Cai, and Tam Dao) and according to the findings that were based on the biochemical evolution of the tea plant, hence summarized that the origin of tea plant was from Viet Nam.

Introduction of tea in Kenya was done 1903; it was first planted on a two-acre farm (TBK, 2013). Currently, Kenya boasts of growing tea on about 190,000 ha of land, 65 percent is produce by small-scale plantation and 35 percent by large-scale plantations (TRFK, 2013). The latter is owned by 39 large tea companies, while the smallholder sector is operated by half a million farmers who sell their produce to approximately 58 factories (TBK, 2013). The small-scale plantation is under Kenya Tea Development Authority (KTDA) and the large-scale plantations are grouped around Kenya Tea Growers Associations (KTGA).

Growing of tea is done on the volcanic soil found in the highland areas of the Great Rift Valley, at altitude of about 1,500-2,700 m above sea level. The main tea growing regions include central Kenya e.g Mt. Kenya, the Aberdares and the Nyambene Hills, furthermore it is also grown in regions like Mau Escarpment, highlands of Kericho, Nandi and Kisii Highlands and Cherangani Hills (TBK, 2013). Large-scale tea plantations are mainly done on west of the Great Rift Valley, while the smaller-scale tea plantations spreads throughout the tea growing region in Kenya.

In terms of volume, Kenya is ranked third behind China and India. It produces 377,000 tonnes of tea per year (t/yr), same as 9 percent of total world tea produced (FAOSTAT, 2013; TBK, 2013). The majority of this produce (343 000 t/yr) is exported, representing approximately 20 percent of world total exports. Therefore it makes tea growing one of the main foreign exchange earners in Kenya, contributing 20 percent of total export revenue (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2012).

The tea industry is one of the greatest successes in Kenyan agriculture sector. Tea growing and production have rapidly expanded since independence in 1963 from 18,000 tonnes of produce and 24,448 hectares in 1963 of farm to 294,000 tonnes of produce and 131,000 hectares of farm in 2003.
The Ministry of Agriculture has the overall responsibility for the tea industry development. The establishment of Tea Board of Kenya in 1950 under the Tea Act (Cap 343) of the laws of Kenya is a government body empowered to govern the tea industry in all areas of tea cultivation, production, research, trade and market promotion of both the local and the international. The Board also gives information relating to tea growing and advises the Government on all policy of matters on the tea plantation through the Ministry of Agriculture.

Agricultural development was based very much upon agronomical experimentation whether for settler agriculture or for African, and the underlying economics were not much evaluated. Nonetheless, the main crops being developed during the 1920s to 1940s form the basis of agriculture in Kenya today.

2.5 Colonial policies and its impacts on social and economic of Nandi east Sub County: 1927-1945Once the decision to build the Uganda railway had been taken in 1893, the colony needed revenues to finance the railway and the source was the rich farming lands of the settled highlands. So support to agriculture was important in the colony’s history.

The first decade or so of the 20th century saw an emphasis on development of European agriculture with the role of the African being primarily to provide labour on European farms, and enter the cash economy in order to provide taxation revenues.

But by 1920 there was a formal policy shift to support and strengthening of African agriculture. The decade saw the establishment of training schools for Africans, and the recruitment of Agricultural development officers. But policies for Africans contained inherent contradictions of the colonial period. ‘The foundations of agriculture in Kenya today were laid during the Colonial period’ Prof Gamba, Egerton University, 2010
2.6.1 Establishment of Colonial Tea Plantation and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County.Cattle have been central to Nandi life and economy for as long as anyone remembers. Fresh and preserved milk (mursik) were dietary staples. Nandi slaughtered sheep and goats, particularly on special occasions, but like other African pastoralists, they rarely slaughtered cattle. However, the traditional economy did not depend only on cattle. Because of rich topsoil and plentiful rainfall, Nandi East Sub County is excellent farmland and the Nandi have always been farmers. Before the colonial period, the staple crop was eleusine, or finger millet, cooked into a hard porridge and eaten with a variety of green leafy vegetables. Crops were cultivated near homesteads and most cattle were taken to graze in distant pastures by the young men. It is said that during grain shortfalls women took sheep and goats to the lowland villages of neighboring ethnic groups to trade for grain.

The arrival of British on first July 1895 on protectorate over a small territory of Mombasa and Rift valley came as a by-result of British activities and involvement in Zanzibar and Uganda. To British government, the East Africa protectorate to give its official name was in itself of minimal financial/ economic or key centrality. The whites had been arriving in East Africa since 1896. It was during the period of Charles Eliot who was the commissioner and the main authority of consolation was given to the settlers. From 1904 settlers started to arrive from South Africa. This was the first of a few government supported European settlers and given farms that has stamped components of Kenya history. To cite the expressions of these early colonialists, the objective of this era is the foundation in East Africa of another devoted, white territory, safely established in the standards of British custom and western development.
As a method for raising income to meet the cost of administering the Kenya and taking care of the building of the Uganda railway, the metropolis government empowered the settlements of British settlers to the ‘white Highlands’.

The colonial administration did this by;
a) Providing productive rail transport to the interior of the colony
b) Alienating of the African good and fertile land for British settlers.
c) Advertising the accessibility of free land in Africa in Europeans daily papers.
d) Giving credit to motivate the whites to take up land in the colony.

e) Providing security and peace for the willing British to settle in the colony.
The pioneers European however were confronted with underlying difficulties of products yield, crop pests, animal disease, labour deficiency, inadequate in information on farming and African hostility. The reasons why the colonial administration drove by Sir Charles Eliot (1900-1904) and later Sir Edward Northey motivated farming by European in the white Kenyan highland areas were;
a) They trusted that Europeans cultivating would meet the cost of running the affairs and rail and road upkeep.
b) The European industries additionally needed less expensive raw Materials in an inexorably focused European Market. These raw materials would be economically be delivered by the European farmers.
c) The British would control the Asian migration and its impact in Kenya.
d) The Metropole administration needed to make Kenya a white man’s nation by urging white farmers to shape the foundation of the economy.
e) Kenya Highlands had cool wet climate and volcanic soils reasonable for European settlement and farming of cash crops which could uplift the economy of the colony.
f) There was need to dispose of social nonconformists in British and the landless that might be offered ways in the Kenya highland.
g) Existence of effectively eager business visionaries for example Lord Delamere and Captain Grogan who were prepared to come to Kenya and cultivates for profit.
Nandi imperviousness to the establishment of British government has been looked at by various scholars like (Matson, 1972; Ngeny, 1972; Tanui, 1996, p. 77-82). The Nandi opposed the British successfully, since they were not affected by the late nineteenth century crisis of the Rinderpest pestilence, East-Coast Fever, beetle and Small Pox episode. It was a community which had been minimally affected by the natural calamities hence gave solid resistance to British success to settle (Lonsdale, 1989, p. 19). In any case, for both the resistors and collaborators, the inevitable result was the surrender of their sway to the British.
In the eighteenth century, Nandi clans had been hunters and gatherers. Later in nineteenth century they would turn out to be agro-pastoralists who practiced animals rearing and cultivation. Forest animals such as the elephant, the antelope, the buffalo and the wild pig were hunted for meat. Hunting was executed by use of traps, snares, arrows and spears. This venture changed into mainly the work of warriors, while the gathering of wild fruits like Matabuk, lamaek, nukuk, kapchopinek, Kimolonik and of the Lamoiywet tree became basically the work of girls and kids. During famines the Nandi dug up root tubers referred to as chemochongoriet. Grasshoppers, termites and honey were also other methods of supplementing meals for the Nandi. In the initial years of gathering and hunting, the Nandi hunted widely in the confines of the Rift Valley and the Nandi escarpment. Hunters face a lot of challenges, but, were to be counted as decorum within their ridges except in pursuit of a wounded animal.

At end of nineteenth century the conquering to European to the colony adjusted the conventional patterns of farming in Kenya. Not just did the coming of European inevitably bring Kenya family unit into the universe of capitalist framework, however it acquired the framework of industrialist agribusiness which had extensive effect on the vast majority of farming economy.
Mwashimba (1983:10) sees that, the child labour historically in Kenya especially to British in their farms and homesteads. Youngsters accompanied their parents to aid them fulfill their day by day assignments in Whites’ farms and homesteads and consequently increase their parent’s income on the farms or get a little payment for themselves. The work they did along these lines included pay as kick back. Consequently, the issues of taking away African land, tax charges by the British and the making powerful African chiefs who contributed to a class of workers which included men, ladies and youngsters. As an after-effect of the Second World War, numerous men were enrolled by the Metropole government to battle in the war abroad. These led to a serious deficiency of work in these crisis periods of war. Because of destitution, they were compelled to survive and the whites took advantage to endeavor them by paying them cheaply for long working hours.
European economy soon set up the cash crop economy for the sole purpose of making Africa rich for raw material market for export. The idea of the urban settlement started to advance. Men went to urban and hence stayed far from their families for long period thus bringing in changes in social pattern of family hood. Valentine and Revson (1979), sets that by going into town, both men and women had an opportunity to appreciate flexibility from family rule and they consequently turned out to be less compliant to the social controls which had administered their conduct since early adolescence (p.464).

Because of the disengagement brought on by the European political economy, numerous youngsters lost their status as financial resources for their families and got to be financial liabilities. Political economic policies of pioneer settler’s times presented standardized poverty, as well as legitimized the utilization of minors as workers. Youngsters as a feature of the work compel added the whites political economy of Africa everlastingly changed the idea of youth and children raising practices of laboring children in contemporary African social orders. Word related examples of the new political economy couldn’t manage the subsistence agrarian practices of the conventional African social orders and decreased the significance of the more extended family framework, which gave support and production for youngsters.
The other circumstance was embodied by the Nandi, a peaceful tribe which endured an economic inversion towards the start of the colonial time and similar to the Kipsigis, swung to agrarian more than the blue collar. The tribe was repressed and restricted to a hold in 1906 in reserves. They were denied to rear cattle, hence to get them a good pay and additionally shortening a male monetary and also Rinderpest killed many of their livestock. By the 1920s the community had expanded, yet isolated controls and rivalry from European review. Dairy cattle restricted the tribe from achieving the full monetary estimation of their livestock. The land started to be limited because of overcrowding hence Africans relocated onto European homesteads and farms that had been opened up for willing Africans. (Huntingford, 1932, pp. 2045 – 2060 and-1950, p. 30) The development of traditional food crops turned out to be progressively essential for subsistence purposes and Huntingford reported that in 1948 in a quarter century Nandi men from time to time changed their roles and started to utilize a hoe and also men benefited from arrangement of agrarian work (1950, p. 61) They cleared bushes, ploughed, worked and took an interest in seeding and harvesting despite the fact that farming was still viewed as ‘ladies’ work by the Nandi community i.e. gendered. In prior days, the Nandi men declined to clear for the settlers’ administration, since this for the most part included agricultural work. Consequently, Nandi ladies were contracted to and would transport loads for the administrators for this too was ladies’ work in the customs of Nandi. (p. 35) The changes of roles by the Nandi men’s work did not really mean less work for ladies notwithstanding, Huntingford argued that by the mid-1920s low returns of crops yields were one motivation behind why Nandi ladies swung to prostitution and other different types of blue collar employments, (p.65; Gold, 1974).

In this manner, aside from essential cash crops which was made full-time farming and for the blessed few with enough land and aside from the instance of peaceful tribes compelled to take up farming, ladies’ commitment to employment and subsistence agrarian expanded in the colonial time, however they rarely concurred a relating increment in status and power. Most families could neither left the reserves totally on the grounds that wages were not sufficiently high, nor get a living exclusively from the land in light of populace weight and rivalry from European farming in another sexual division of work grew up epitomized in the arrangement of male work movement out of their homes.
The British governments rose and subordinated the standard lawful administrations as they set out on projects to modernize the subsistence economies and to make them an integral part of the rising capitalism economic framework in the colony. Studies directed by different researchers demonstrate that youngsters surprisingly worked outside the family’s own financial framework, they were abused and given negligible wages while at different times were given nothing consequently after working. (Kanyongo Male and Walji 1984:35)
Archdeacon w. e. Owen of Kavirondo turned into perhaps the sharpest critic of underage labour exertions. In 1939, Owen questioned the policy on minors’ employment through declaring that the exploitation of child exertions was possibly the meanest coverage in African empire. He commenced by means of censuring section 28 of the employment of servants ordinance, 1938 mentioned above ordinance, exempted minors under ten years from employment. Owen then turned to the dismal pay and the reasonably-priced food given to the youngsters. He then questioned the shortage of workmen’s compensation rules to shield the minors within the mining enterprise. Employers took no duty for the youngsters’ protection and failed to pay adults who became sick or injured in line of work, Owen blamed them for failing to ensure that children got home after their time of employment. Brief on evidential records, Owen complained that the employers’ lack of obligation ended in lost children who wandered from employment to employment.

Historically, capitalism increased geographically with a purpose to accumulate new regions of uncooked subsistence (Amin 1976: 35) and accumulation via dispossession has been an important circumstance for capitalism’s survival” (Harvey 2003: 91). Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Africa was one of the few ultimate regions of the arena with huge stores of natural resources that had not but been exploited like the gas economic growth in Western Europe (Rodney 1982). To position it in the vulgar phrases of an African settler, Europeans and wanted plenty of land and wanted it fast as possible (ward and white 1971: 101). From the vantage factor of an affected peasant, colonial incorporation represented dispossession on five stressful and disruptive tiers as:
1. Displacement from land, elimination of commons and redistribution of ecological assets to colonial capitalists from Africans.

2. Transformation of traditional rural community around the export of agricultural, extractive resources and exploitation of indigenous workers by the British administration.

3. Displacement of indigenous governance via repressive colonial states actors and through the co-optation and empowerment of indigenous comprador elite’s class of Africans.

4. Cultural exchange, particularly colonial redefinition of work and establishment of divisions of labour grounded in race, ethnicity, gender or class.

5. Restructuring of families and gender family members around land and labour styles through which colonizers could maximize their surplus extractions.

To effect integration of African territories into the capitalist international-financial system, colonial states and white settlers converted the vast majority of African territory into country-mandated and privatized enclosed financial zones (Akram-lodhi and Kay 2009: 137) that protected:
1.Land rentals for monoculture agro ecosystems: manufacturing for export and cultivation of crops to provision of raw materials for industries and British settlements inside Africa.

2.Widespread deforestation for grazing massive herds of cattle, crop farming and for commercial poultry keeping.

3. Land concessions for extractive enclaves.

4.Private monopolies over great rainforests for tree plantations and timbering.

5.Land concessions for the exploitation of indigenous plants and animals (e.g., ivory, rubber, palm oil).

6. Removal of African settlements for construction of infrastructure (ports, roads, railroads) and water structures.

7. Speculation within the land itself.

The segregation of a majority of Africans onto the least efficient lands, coupled with market controls that privileged Europeans (Bond 1998: 206). The colonial states delivered mechanisms to prevent African competition with settler agricultural outputs and exporting. Even as Europeans owned big livestock ranches, the colonial states ended conventional African migratory herding (Gutkind and waterman 1977: 237). Colonial guidelines insured that higher market prices went to European produce and farm animals (Bond 1998: 198-206). Produce exporting boards bought African crops at figures that were way under global market costs (Rodney 1982: 168-69). Similarly, colonial states limited authorities’ subsidies and technological advances to Europeans. None of the colonial powers intended to modernize African agriculture. White settlers introduced Settler’s agricultural techniques; however these were usually the past manner of the peasant. Africans who tried to modernize their land were actively intervened to protect white farmers from African competition (Klein 1980: 25). The result of these rules become a step by step declining excellent of life amongst Africans, as evidenced by means of repeated famines, continual hunger and malnutrition of African families (Rodney 1982: 236).

In Kenya, the chronicled underlying foundation of child labour began through political and financial need of the metropole and request of British accumulation. Kenya was colonized by British from 1895 to 1963. In 1903 European farmers were encouraged to move to Kenya to invigorate the export sector. A number of the pioneers’ settlers who moved to Kenya were inadequately promoted and hence required the state intercession to acquire shabby African work to take a shot at their farms and plantation. As result, Africans started participating in transitory work designs that impacts advancement of child employment.

In 1920, the then Nandi District Commissioner C. S. Hemsted tried to justify the alienation of Nandi land by reporting that “the alienated land from the reserve was not beneficially occupied or required by the Nandi tribe” (DC/NDI/1/2 KNA, 1904-1920). Although there was low population, pressure on land in Nandi was a serious crisis in the early colonial period, since the Nandi community kept the numbers of their livestock to a sufficient level (Oboler, 1985, p. 156). Taking away of land by the British from the Nandi community led to shortage of land among the community, which affected the pre-colonial agricultural practices observed in Nandi. Lonsdale (1989, p.45) in his study shows that the taking away of Nandi and Kipsigis land turned the communities into agricultural peasants. Land alienation is, therefore, central to the understanding of the agricultural changes in Nandi. Due to the shortage of grazing land, some Nandi natives migrated to the white highlands where Settlers had settled to became squatters. Squatting was a system whereby a European land holder allowed African families to reside and cultivate plots and graze their animals on his land in return for a certain amount of labour each year. Before 1918, payment for using such land was in kind. The Nandi natives could pay this in form of oxen which was to be used for ploughing on settlers’ farms, milk, ghee or labour (Tanui, 1996, p. 89). The Nandi natives who squatted in white settlers’ farms were wealthy people, who needed pasture for their large herds of livestock (ibid.). The alienation of land in Nandi also led to the success of European settlers in acquiring labour. The settlers had demanded that more reserves be created and the size of the existing reserves be reduced, not because they needed land, but because they hoped to force still more Africans into the labour market (Wrigley, 1982, p. 230; Tanui, 1996, p. 90).

For men, initiation marks the entry into one of seven age-sets (ibinda, pl. ibinwek). The names of the age-sets are always the same, and rotate through time: Kaplelach, Kipkoimet, Sawe, Chuma, Maina, Nyongi, and Kimnyigei. At any time there are four sets of elders, the “senior warriors”, the initiates, and a set of boys. When all in the oldest age-set have died, its name comes back into use as the name of the set of the new initiates. All men who are circumcised within a certain period of time belong to the same age-set. Since age at circumcision varies, at the margins of age-sets there may be some overlap of ages, with the oldest members of a junior set being older than the youngest members of the next senior set. The age-set members move as a unit through the life-cycle (like “The Class of 1998” moving from freshmen to sophomores, juniors, and seniors). During the 1800s there was a huge centralized ritual in which every Nandi man moved on to the next status: initiates became senior warriors, senior warriors became elders, senior elders “retired” from active life, and a new age-set began for boys about to be initiated. Immediately afterwards, the new warriors would launch a series of raids as a way of proving themselves. The colonial government banned this event, fearing it would lead to military uprisings, and after independence it never made a comeback.

2.6.2. Land Alienation and Implication on Social and Economics of Nandi East Sub CountyThrough enforcing of laws, the British government took about 7 million acres of the most arable land in Kenya (Kanogo, 1987), which include the arable land of Nandi East Sub-County. This formed the bedrock of what came to be termed the “white highlands” exclusively set aside for European agriculture by 1932 rendering many African groups landless (ibid.). For example, the Maasai and Kikuyu lost big tracts of land considered “empty” by British government and the white settlers, while the Nandi, Kipsigis and the Luhya, mostly the Babukusu, were moved to the African reserved areas to create room for white settlers to farm.

In imperial Kenya government approaches on land, work, tax, agrarian instruction/extension services and credit were altogether skewed for European pioneers settlers. Throughout 1902 and 1915 land laws through which Africa land was legitimately taken away from Africans for European settlement (Sorrenson 1967) the taking away of land and creation of reserves upset individual access to land by Africans and subsequently the indigenous economies including the cultivation and crops harvests by Africans. In the mid-1900s Africans were confiscated of the best cultivating land and kept in reserve meant for Africans. Land was taken to minority of European pilgrims, who thusly increased solid political impact in the colony (Mosley, 1983; Wolff, 1974).
Since the livelihood protection of peasants rested upon the rights of land and rights in owning family labour (Gutkind and Waterman 1977: 233), Europeans sought to disrupt both these monetary helps through the removal of traditional African land use. Even as they redistribute to majority of the most economically productive regions to Europeans settlers, colonial states delimited African access to ancestral lands that were used for numerous traditional sports (Ward and White 1971). British policy summed up the philosophy of all the colonizers: what is needed is in reality a policy that might establish as soon as and for all that … the ownership of land must be in the fingers of the white races (Wallenstein and Martin 1979: 203).

In October 1905 Meinertzhagen executed Koitalel Arap Samoei in a “peace” deal. Meinertzhagen went for debilitating the Nandi who were motivated around the Orkoiyot. After his demise, the Nandi were demotivated. Meinertzhagen then moved Northwards with his vast compel, slaughtering individuals and taking away domesticated animals of Nandi. This denoted the end of the Nandi imperviousness to British. After the Nandi community were defeated and surrendered, Meinertzhagen drafted peace terms with the Nandi community in Nandi Hills which is now the sub-county headquarters of Nandi East sub-county, he starting moving the Nandi community from the bororiosiek of Kapchepkendi and Kamelilo who lived close to the rail and they were moved to Kabiyet region in the Northern of Nandi. In January 1906, Meinertzhagen was able to move the Nandi from the South Eastern corner of the domain of Nandi Hills towards the Northern of Nandi. Simultaneously, many houses and granaries that stored harvests were burnt. The Nandi were additionally caught and detained. Also burning houses proceeded for an entire month by the British. The fighting between the Nandi and the British ended up on 26th February 1906 when the Nandi had been emptied from their fertile territory to the reserves.
In 1897, under a statute by the colonial rule, the Commissioner overseeing the colony made the principal of land by giving out land certificates to the European pioneers’ settlers. The endorsements were neither one of the freeholds title deeds, nor leaseholds. The certificate permitted the white settlers to possess land for a time of 21 years. The control likewise set aside the land for the restrictive use by the Africans as African Native Reserves.
The Nandi had no concept of private and permanent ownership of land. Land was not a scarce resource during the pre-colonial period. Land in each kokwet (village) was sub-divided into two, the farming section (Oret) and that which was meant for grazing livestock. The kokwet elders (boisiekab kok) decided on which parts of the kokwet was to be farm according to their perception of fertility. Land fertility in Nandi community was determined if there were presence of particular indigenous plants e.g Tebeng’wet (sabucus africana). The cultivated fields had to be located on one side of the kokwet. This made easy the task of fencing sections and protecting grown crops from being destroyed by livestock, wild animals and birds. Narrow paths separated individual plots (Tanui, 1996, p. 48). Kokwet elders were in charge of the allocation of land to the household. Marriage marked the point in which a man and woman could own a cultivated field (Perisitany, 1939, p. 129; Tanui, 1996, p. 48). For polygamous men, cultivated land was distributed according to the number of wives. It is, therefore, safe to say that each married woman had her own farm which she cultivated. The size of the farm depended on the ability of the person to mobilize labour (Tanui, 1996, p. 43). An individual was therefore free to choose the amount of land to cultivate. Allocation of cultivated land was done annually. However, the old farms could be cultivated for upto three years depending on their fertility.

Europeans were also been convinced that proscribing ecological entrance right, was to be the handiest mechanism to anchor hard work relations among landholders and Africans. The colonial states observed three techniques to bypass indigenous land rights. First, they defeminized the land by way of casting off girls conventional land rights and by means of ending the control of matrilineal clans over land allocation (Pachai 1973). Colonial states reduced the more than one, overlapping the use-rights of men and women into unilateral male control over land (Hodgson 1999: 64). The second strategy was in deepening the structural inequalities among Africans. Colonial states co-opted indigenous leaders to serve as an administrative extension of coercive rule. African leaders were supposed to acquire employees to satisfy colonial employment and they accrued colonial taxes for 10 to 30 percent commissions. In addition, village leaders policed their very own people for compliance with land and labour rules (Ward and White 1971: 115, 148, 418). Their wealth accumulation and allocation employees became the framework for the emergence of a tiny wealthier, extra privileged African comprador bourgeoisie that represented the hobbies of capitalists in indigenous communities (Amin 1976).

A 1901 Order-in-Council changed over all the land inside the protectorate to be “Crown Land” and another Order-in-Council of 1902 gave the Commissioner Powers to concede leaseholds for up to 99 years for land possessions of under 1000 acres of land. This move was made to conciliate the whites who needed all land to be freehold. Africans were avoided from this plan and their property rights fell under “African Land Reserves”. The new land proprietors required capital, input and work to build up the land. With the exception of land, capital and work was hard to come by in Kenya. In regard of work, the white farmers depended on importation of work from India. This exertion missed the mark and Indian work was deficient and unacceptable for Kenyan conditions. Now doubt and threatening vibe had officially been created between the Africans and the white farmers. Because of this doubt and different variables, the settlers could not depend on Africans to give an unfaltering supply of work. The main option left for the white farmers was to drive the Africans to till their farm.
The colonial powers were likewise persuaded that the accessibility of adequate land in the reserve was in reason of the low turnout of Africans to work. Henceforth, by decreasing such land, Africans would be constrained to look for work on European farms and estates. This obviously turned out from the Nandi District Commissioners report, after the taking away of African land for the Soldier Settlement Scheme: The taking away of land was the immediate reason for an expansion number of locals searching for crisp pasturage for their community in European homesteads and farms on the ground it could no longer contain adequately for their crowding Nandi community (DC/NDI/1/2, KNA, 1919-1920). Land deficiencies in Nandi drove, to hunching down as well as, to the general population swinging more to farming, District Commissioner (ibid). Reported in 1908 that: In 1906 after three reformatory undertakings the Nandi tribe were repressed and set in a reserve in which they had been settled down and were quickly taken to farming. Taking away of African land prompted to a checked escalation of populace of the land in the reserve. African disdain started to develop and there were petitions requesting the return of their land. This led to the Kenya Land Commission (Carter Commission) somewhere around 1932 and 1934. The Nandi who affirmed before the Carter Commission demonstrated their discontent in losing their property. Chief Elijah Cheruiyot told the Commission at Kapsabet in October sixth 1932 that: All these salt licks were given to the Nandi subsequent to battling and have since been taken away. Why would it be advisable for us to pay for that which uses to have a place with us? Do you consider us as companions or foes still? Other than the place that is known for the Nandi has been diminished so much that all the men have gone out to the shamba (Carter Land Commission, 1934, p. 2077).
The process of remodeling Kenya right into a colonial kingdom and growing a colonial management started in 1895. From 1888 the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEACo) had succeeded in solidifying its presence on the Kenya Coast and in Buganda, as well as alongside the caravan direction linking these regions but this did not produce an administrative device. In 1895 Sir A.H. Hardinge was appointed the first Commissioner of the East Africa Protectorate. Hardinge used to be former servant of the I.B.E.A.Co. Through status quo of manipulation of the indigenous people and selection of appropriate the administrative gadget. C.W. Hobley and J.F. Jackson were the key allies in these strategies to the Nandi and other Western Kenya communities.Hobley and Jackson prepared the advent of districts, to understand the indigenous, their customs and languages and step by step extended the location of powerful jurisdiction. With the appointment of Sir Charles Elliot as the Commissioner of the East Africa Protectorate in 1900, the territory commenced to accumulate a new reputation. Elliot wanted not best to introduce a crown colony type of administration but additionally to find new sources of revenue to make the railway pay for the colony. Taxation was introduced but it was regarded inadequate to economically viable to the colony. Elliot consequently absolutely supported the colonisation of the highlands of Kenya by means of Europeans settlers. His advice turned into in addition hastened by the selection of the overseas workplace in London to switch the Eastern Province of Uganda to Kenya in 1902. This massive region was appropriated for European agreement and exploitation. This land was, however, not a vacuum. Its pre-colonial population needed to be evacuated to leave room for white settlement. Carefully linked with this changed into the wants for labourers on settler farms after the First World War.

The first land law, which approved Europeans to be issued with a twenty out of 365 days, renewable land certificates changed in 1897. In 1902, the first Crown Lands Ordinance permitted the Commissioner to sell, provide or rent or in any other case get rid of land which has been marked as crown land to settler with a 99 from 12 months’ rent. In 1915 the lengths of such rentals on land become extended to 999 years.
The 1902 Ordinance confined their settlement. The Crown Lands Ordinance of 1902 said that every empty’ land was sold at rupees according to acre or rented out at fifteen rupees consistent with a hundred acres per annum to Europeans. The 1915 Ordinance described Crown Land as together with “all lands not occupied with the aid of the native tribes. This empowered the Governor to proclaim reserves, which turned into officially in 1926. At this degree the Africans became tenants at will of the Crown and will therefore be grown to become off their land at the government’s delight. That meant the non-popularity of the rights of possession with the aid of Africans. The belief turned into that African rights regarding land had been restricted to occupation, cultivation and grazing and no longer amount to identify to the land itself. In 1924, the Land fee constant the boundaries of African reserves which had been legalized in 1926. Via the homeland consider Ordinance of 1930 it turned into decreed that “African reserves belong to Africans forever.” This policy, but, became discarded whilst gold turned into determined in Kakamega in 1932. The same year noticed the introduction of the Carter Land commission, which by means of 1934 had constant fight for the boundaries with the white for the highlands. Furthermore, all Africans shops for resident labourers in the highlands were moved hence created bitterness. The situation turned into such that in 1934, some 6,543,360 acres of the high-quality arable land in Kenya were alienated for occupation by some 2,027 settlers, a mean of 2,534 acres according to occupant. The average quantities of land on cultivation by settler added to three hundred acres.

The management of Sir Charles Elliot laid the foundation for European agreement in Kenya. Settlers arrived from a long way away as Australia, Canada, Britain and South Africa amongst others. As an instance, by means of 1915, 80042 square miles of land was alienated on behalf of about one thousand settlers. But, it became inconsistently dispensed. Twenty percent were held by personally or through corporations. These were Delamere, the two Coles, Grogan and the East African Syndicate. They advocated for hypothesis on land. Holders of these large tracts sold them off in small parcels. Land values within the Rift Valley rose from five sterling pounds an acre in 1908 to 240 sterling pound an acre with the aid of 1914. For the African settlers, the Uasin Gishu Plateau had become the focal point, becoming an alternative location for colony in the highlands that could resemble a homeland. The Nandi who occupied the highland plateau had the unenviable mission of neighboring the Afrikaners.

Students of the colonial period have attempted to quantify the amount of land misplaced by the Nandi on the subject of their grazing and cultivation necessities. Van Zwanenberg and T. Kanogo aver that in 1922 the Nandi were evicted from 328 rectangular miles of forest, which turned into alienated to E.S.M. Grogan Ltd. The area of grazing left to them.

In 1897, the Commissioner for the Kenya Protectorate enacted the use of the Land Acquisition Act of India (1894), which was brought to use in Kenya and appropriated all the lands within one-mile on each side of the Kenya- Uganda railway land, for the construction of the railway line. The Act turned into extensively utilized to compulsorily acquire land for other public purposes along for authorities’ buildings. In 1915, the 1902 Ordinance was repealed and changed by using a new Crown Land Ordinance that declared all land within the protectorate as crown land, whether or not such land was or being occupied by the indigenous or reserved for native occupation. The impact turned Africans into tenants of the Crown, without greater than brief career rights to land (Okoth-Ogendo (1991).

Inside the interim, the use of the overseas Jurisdiction Act of 1890, the protectorate administration promulgated the East African Land ordinance of 1897, which it used to alienate land from the locals to allocate to white settlers. This changed to inspire the European settlers that could pay for the railway. The Commissioner started giving certificate of occupancy for most effective 21 years, a period that turned to be prolonged to 99 years. Any land alienated, whether or not for construction of the railway or by the directors or settlers could become crown land (authorities land to end up public land). Crown land become defined as all public lands within the East African Protectorate that at the moment had been a problem to the manipulate of His Majesty through virtue of any agreements or treaties and all lands that were or may also have been acquired by means of His Majesty beneath the Land Acquisition Act of 1894, or otherwise (Okoth-Ogendo, 1991).The Crown Lands Ordinance No. 21 of 1902 vested power within the Commissioner to sell freeholds in crown land within the protectorate to any client not exceeding 1,000 acres (four hundred hectares). Any empty land or any land vacated by locals would be offered or rented to Europeans and land could be developed otherwise forfeited. The British administration and white settlers gave no cognizance to traditional land tenure systems and in 1914 almost 5 million acres (2 million hectares) of land have been alienated from Africans natives, typically from the kikuyu, Akamba, Maasai and Nandi (Mortensen, 2004: 4). The 1902 ordinance was repealed and replaced by a new Crown Land Ordinance in 1915 that declared all land within the protectorate as crown land, whether or not such land was occupied by the natives or reserved for local occupation. The effect changed Africans to become tenants of the Crown, with no more than temporary rights to land. The land reserved was to be use by the Africans was also at any time expropriated and alienated to the settlers. The 1915 Lands Ordinance consequently signified the disinheritance of Africans from their lands. The ordinance empowered the Commissioner of the Protectorate to give land to the settlers for leases of 999 years. Those 999 years however, the settlers clamored for perpetual rentals (freeholds).

According Njonjo (GOK, 2002) and on the countrywide Land coverage (GOK, 2009) observed the regulations of the British government helped to enforced a dominant whiter settler economic system whilst subjugating the African economic system through administrative and legal mechanisms.

Even though the institution of leadership became initially African, it was a way of colonial powers to serve as disguise of their authority (Mamdani 1996). Africans were confined to their rural areas or reserves underneath the jurisdiction of the chiefs. Above the chiefs was a legislative assembly composed of five officials: of those were nominated settlers (Ochieng 1985). There had been so many settler agencies with the resource and in 1911 such groups were federated into associations. The leaders of these associations were directed towards: maintaining the highlands reserved for whites; organizing African labour for the benefit of settlers; developing an appropriate machine of land tenure; and developing a legislative council of elected Europeans. The legal guidelines on which the authority of chiefs rested have been enacted in 1902 and 1912 to maintain public order (and the chiefs ought to be fined if there has been disturbance in their regions); they have been to preserve the roads clear; and they may hear petty instances (Ochieng 1985).

Colonial and post-colonial law and administrative policy have been powerful forces for the erosion of women’s rights to land, ether powerful influences have also been involved, in particular the concentration of agricultural “development’ innovations on men and the increasing identification of women with a stagnant and dwindling subsistence sector in an emerging dual economy.
The involvement of men in official effort: a to develop cash cropping, especially for export, has been observed by a number particularly in the case of colonial Africa where, as Allan (1965) sums it up: ‘The extraordinary development 0£ the production of cash crops by African cultivators, mainly within the last 40 years, is something unprecedented in colonial history. It would be misleading to say that only men grow cash crops; in fact women both grow and trade cash crops to a considerable extent.

In the pre-colonial period Nandi men and women had clearly defined rights to land. These rights entitled women to farm the land, and men to graze their livestock. The right to use land was provided to both men and women by the community elders. Women retained control over the land they used and its products. The colonial land alienation policies greatly changed the roles of gender and consequently agricultural production of the Nandi community. The Nandi were forced into a reserve, thus they had to contend with limited land compared to what they had previously used for grazing and cultivation. This definitely gradually affected the types and amount of crops grown and the number of livestock kept. The commercialization of agricultural production in Nandi reserve affected gender relations of production in Nandi. In promoting commercial agriculture, the colonial government targeted men leaving out women who were traditionally in charge of cultivated land. The colonial state believed that women were conservative and neither willing nor able to adopt new methods of cultivation (Lovett, 1989, p. 38). Men were provided incentives such as seeds and ox-ploughs. Such state action enabled men to enter the money economy as the only producers of agricultural commodities and aided in denying women similar status (ibid. p. 39). Consequently, a pattern was established whereby cash crop production was supervised by and the proceeds thereof controlled by men. The growth of commercial agriculture in the reserves generated new demands for land and shaped peoples strategies to gain access to it (Berry, 1989, p. 107). The exportation of male labour in Nandi also affected gender relations and consequently agricultural production.

When colonialism first came to Kenya, the social organization of the people reflected their economic life which was organized to satisfy the basic material needs. The majority of people were dependent on land, water and other resources for their survival: they were peasants, pastoralists, and fisher people. Some were active in other fields such as small industries and crafts, manufacture of items like agricultural tools, household material, housing and clothing material. Their social and political organizations reflected their basic economic activities which were closely dependent on land.

Squatting on settler land was the main mechanism by which the Nandi linked themselves to the enfolding commodity economy and by which they responded to the demands for labour made by the colonial state and the settlers. From 1913 onwards, Nandi began moving to settler farms as squatters in such a way that whole families and stock moved together. Nandi never saw a pattern of male labour migration to cities or (tea) estates, leaving women to manage the subsistence economy. In fact, many of the squatters did not work at all, but paid for the right to squat on the settler farms with milk or other produce.

The creation of reserves was further boosted in 1932 by the Kenya Land Commission, which fixed the boundaries of reserves (KNA: MGM 1/17/16). To consolidate this move, African reserves were legalized in 1926, followed by several other enacted laws which permanently moved Africans to the reserved areas of the Nandi land. According to the Native Land Trust Ordinance of 1930, it led to African reserves declared to belong to Africans forever (Ochieng’, 1986). In the same vain, this was followed by the Kenya Land Commission of 1932, which in addition fixed the boundaries of the “white settlers highlands,” and removed all Africans from the “white settlers highlands” to the reserved areas (Ochieng’, 1986).

2.6.3. Colonial Labor Policies and Wage Labor and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County
Force or compulsory work was generally utilized and became institutionalized in the initial years of white control in Kenya. This was a period when labour was really required to establish the European economy: rail-lines and roads were constructed, dams and extensions, developed regulatory focus and backwoods cleared and white’s farms for farming. Force labour unavoidably turned into the most solid method for securing African labour for the European farms. Few government authorities or whites did not scrutinize the job requirement for any type of work. For some it was even a demonstration of generosity, a vital stun treatment for individuals profoundly buried in inertness and slothfulness. Through obligated work contracts. The British rule in conjunction with the settlers utilized their authoritative forces that required the tribal chiefs to get physically fit people in the African society to provide labour at pilgrims’ farms as obligated workers for a period of three months. This framework demonstrated ineffectual and awkward control. The more enduring arrangement was to be concocted. A framework which obliged Africans to need cash keeping in mind the end goal was to take part in specific exchanges. The local populace was not acquainted with wage work and a plan was design to make wage cheap.
Employment enactment was passed through trade union enactment which made the Colony qualified, as per the ordinance of Section 1 of the Act and also from the Colonial Development and Welfare Vote. This enactment without which a Colony couldn’t qualify to awards under the Act. It was reasonable to depict it as dynamic tax’ union enactment. Kenya nullified every single punitive endorsement for penal sanctions of children less than 16 years old. A Labour Advisory Board with an unofficial bosses and workers was constituted to look on work related issues, conditions and on further work enactment. It proposed laborers’ remuneration enactment if conditions allowed and by concurrence with bosses, also pay cases being paid on the lines set down in model enactment. Policies of dynamic decrease of every single corrective authorize was being taken after.

Table 2 Average number of Africans employed on a monthly basis in agricultureYEAR MEN WOMEN CHILDREN CASUAL TOTAL
1919-20
1920-21
1921-22
1922-23
1923-24
1924-25
1925-26
1926-27
1927-28
1928-29
1929-30
1930-31
1931-32
1932-33
1933-34 45,005
55,939
51,753
54,406
66,993
61,735
64,875
76,838
83,000
85,082
90,633
89,856
76,604
79,749
81,883 3,917
4,911
4,261
6,609
8,316
5,477
6,021
4,802
4,654
4,249
3,971
3,387
3,260
3,506
3,536 4,787
6,539
5,935
9,942
11,784
11,315
13,717
15,428
17,295
15,304
18,124
19,393
15330
14,610
14,771 5,006
9,371
6,862
13,157
7,574
5,926
7,160
6,685 53,709
67,388
61,649
70,957
87,093
78,527
84611
102074
114,320
110,697
125,885
120,210
104,120
S
105,025
106,875
A. Thirteen-month period.

Source; Agricultural Census’, in Agriculture Department Annual Beporis, 1925-1933.

In the time of force employment, the utilization of ladies was not under any condition exceptional, in spite of the fact that it was hard to gage its full degree. Report given to the Native Labour Commission of 1912-13 uncovered the broad utilization of force employment and one witness expressed that those young women and minors were continually commandeered.

After the Depression there was an extension of tea plantations. About of all tea laborers were minors (NADAR, 1936, p. 117) yet as opposed to Asian nations there were not really any young women utilized on these domains. (NADAR, 1933, p. 128) Both young women and minors were utilized on tea plantation, it was accounted for in 1937 that adult male were not preferred unlike to young women, since they didn’t need to stoop low to pick the low-developing blooms tea leaves (NADAR, 1937, p 201). It was evaluated in 1934 that at the peak of the picking season about 14,000 women and 10,000 Minors were utilized in tea farms (NADAR, 1934, p 174).
Minors of 10 years could be utilized in contract employment with approval from their parents and guardians. After youngsters had gone through the process of childbirth contracts, they qualify to master and servant ordinance governing employment of the African workers.
During the imperial time it was clear that minors’ employment had started. This was mostly in light of the fact that the families expected to strive, with the absence of their fathers who were either been locked up or had gone to battle field in the war. Therefore, minors were needed to work to supplement on their family income (Oyuga Suda and Mugambi 1997:12). It is apparent from past studies that Children went out to work to supplement family finance, this study looked to whether this was the pattern today and the discoveries from the study also will demonstrate why the Children work.
The long working hours recommended by the colonialists guaranteed guardians or parents to have zero time for their kids, such kids were left ravenous, unattended and without parental care. Any minor who got out of hand or wandering about in the village or town was placed in recovery establishments which were reformatory and served to solidify or harden the African youngster. The colonizers accordingly made good justification for neglect the African child. The youngster thus had to strive for survival of their own.
First born kids would go with their folks to help them to cultivate the white farms; they would sometimes be paid a little money as wage. However with the development of export after 1930s youngster work became more methodical especially in Agriculture sector. By 1940s when youngster work was at topped at around 20% of the work constrained or forced, child workers were working more formally either on thirty days work contracts or as every day casuals on European plantation or as household hirelings (house maids) in the households of the directors or managers of the tea estates and other top representatives of the tea estate. The majority of the kids were utilized for four months of the year. After 1940s and up to freedom or independence in 1963, the occurrence of minors’ utilization in farming sector decrease however this was offset the ascended in work of youngsters as house maids or house boys to tops administrators in tea estates and even continuation from the plantation could empower one to utilize child labour.
The advancement of force work by colonial administration in Kenya likewise encouraged kid employment. The settlers were impoverished as well as colonial state itself was also poor and required shoddy African work for the improvement of regime. The state utilized diverse ways to compel work with changing degrees hence impacted upon youngsters labour. The Native Authority Ordinance of 1912 permitted chiefs to get out drive work for communal purposes.

Earlier than Harry Thuku uncovered “troubles” inside the minor labor coverage, the colonial authorities in Kenya turned into content material of exploiting African youngsters. An examination of exertions ordinances earlier than 1922 indicates that the authorities infrequently considered child labor as direct problem worth of consideration. However things modified after the cold war. Beginning with the master and servant (modification) ordinance, 1924, the authorities outlined its exertions regulations and ways. Even though this specific ordinance ignored minors’ labor, kids worked on colonial farms and in homes as home maids and house boys. In 1926, the government, for the first time, in the custody of youngster’s ordinance, defined “child” as a person who is under the age of sixteen years. However this definition could not be the last; it changed in subsequent years. For an instance, in 1934, the juvenile ordinance described a child as absolutely everyone beneath fourteen years of age, since the traders were not sufficiently alighted; it allowed employers to recruit youngsters without the fear of repercussions. A whole lot to dissenters’ objections, 4 years later the government revised the minimal age for employment. Under chapter 28 (3) (b) of ordinance no. ii of 1938, the minimal age was reduced to 10 years age for employment. “no juvenile below the age of 10 years could work,” the regulation declared, “that, it allowed to go into right proper into a settlement of provider.” it was easy in 1938 and beyond there have been a totally full-size improvement in discussing the practicability of solving a minimal age for business company and non-commercial enterprise employment related to kids. A generation later, the prevention of cruelty to and forget about of children ordinance, 1955, left the definition of “actual or apparent age” to the courts, however it defined a minors as someone beneath the age of sixteen years.

The child hard work law of 1938 underscored the importance of recruitment certificate and it forbade labour sellers and professional recruiters from recruiting minors without first acquiring certificate from a district officer maintaining that “the permission of the daddy or father or mother of such minor should been given out. The minors who got permit to provide labour had been accepted to go into an agreement of issuer, however it emerged up to them to recognize the agreement’s phrases. In other words, the regulation did now not completely forbid kids from coming into the hard work force. Instead, it recommended unscrupulous recruiters to take benefit of the “permission” loophole to outstand the gadget not permitting child employment. Most recruiters and employers did not note the segment of the law that required to individually with the juvenile and the juvenile’s father (or if his father had passed away, his legal mum or step-father than a district officer prior to acquiring a permit to recruit the minor.

In1920, the Kenyan governor insisted that Africans had to be dragged out in their “uneducated and unproductive idleness to the labour market” wherein they could be taught to work “beneath right colonial supervision.”
It became a criminal offense punishable through imprisonment for wage employees to leave a task before he or she finished. In metropolis it criminalized offense for workers to go out from work without authorization. In addition, workers could be sent to the residence of correction for breaches of behavior, disobedience, sloppy work or leaving before the working day (Steinfeld and Engerman 1997: 112-115). Furthermore, Europeans had a notable deal of historical experience with sorts of slavery, force employment and debt bondage. Colonizers relied closely on white indentured servitude and African enslavement (Tomlins 2001) and exertions of forced labour and debt bondage had been full-size among European peasants all through the primary for a long time of African colonialism (lenin 1966, vol. four: 138; Northrup 1995: 45-46). Wonder was that the colonial states mounted similar felony constraints on African employees.

Migration of men and women that contributed to underdevelopment hence gender imbalance in cities that was to persist till after independence, it was because of the Colonial labor practices and recruitment system by the colonial administration. The cheap labor from the Africans through force was also a main feature of the colonial labor markets both in the rural and the urban region. In Kenya like most of East Africa states, the main aims of manpower development was attracting and maintaining sufficient number of workers for the colonial labor force: a workforce not associated with local African development but colonial enterprises, industries, farms and coastal plantations (Cummings, 1985). Cheap labor force was always the goal especially for the settler community. In 1945-1961, most migrants to urban areas were largely unskilled workers who migrated to Nairobi and were only allowed to remain there for prescribed periods of time. (Cummings, 1985). The direct negative effect this had on the African worker who was “lucky” to be employed in the urban areas was that the man (usually the urban employee) was paid too little to afford to bring his wife or family in the urban areas.

The impact of male labour out-migration in Nandi was first felt during the First World War when men were forcefully conscripted to serve in the war. Division of labour was altered as the number of men moving out of the reserve gradually increased. By 1940s the number of wage labourers from Nandi had increased tremendously. Women and children who were left in the reserves now mainly undertook duties such as taking care of livestock and breaking the ground, previously done by men. The low wages given to labourers were not adequate to allow the worker to sustain himself and his family. Wages had to be supplemented with food and other goods and services from the peasant household. The unpaid labour of the rural women subsidized the low wages. The use of new agricultural technologies such as the ox-plough changed gender relations of production in agriculture among the Nandi community. The colonial government targeted men when introducing such technology. The ox-plough was also not suitable to women due to cultural reasons. Women were not the owners of the bullocks, thus they were unable to make decisions over their use. Thus the ox-plough benefited men and not women farmers. Thus affecting production because they were the majority left behind to work in the farm.

Another group attacked by colonialism included those involved in small scale manufacturing and those working in local industries. This included the blacksmiths, the craftspeople, and the building and woodwork experts. Colonialism flooded local market with cheap imports which attacked the very survival of local experts and thus destroyed the foundation of an independent local industrial base.

As colonialism consolidated itself, it established its own industries to make use of cheap Kenyan labour and resources. At the same time it found a large market for products from factories established as a result of the industrial revolution. It began to establish capitalist relations in earnest. This resulted in the creation of a powerful proletariat which began to organise against colonialism.

The workers had started organising themselves and undertaking various anti-colonial and anti-capitalist activities, such as strikes. They were supported in their struggles by peasants whose main struggle was for the recovery of their land and resources. This united front of workers and peasants was the source of strength of the Kenyan people’s struggle against colonialism which sought to divide Kenyan people along racial or ethnic lines in order to weaken them. Their aim was to prevent the South Asian workers and progressive intellectuals, many of whom had brought with them a tradition of resistance, from uniting with their fellow African workers.

The earliest female participation in wage-earning was through prostitution in which women sold sexual rights to a ready market among European, Asian and a growing number of African townsmen. Predominant among early prostitutes were Nandi and Masai, both pastoral tribes in which women had traditionally experienced a great deal of sexual freedom. By 1909 Nandi women who had turned to be prostitutes were said to be ‘notorious from Mombasa to Kisumu’ (Stigand, 1913, pg 277), but a District Officer in 1913 implied a different assessment when he referred to them as ‘the most enlightened members of the tribe. The Annual Report of Nandi District in 1913 highlight that On European farms, the Nandi women often grow semi-permanent relationships with male white settlers who were playing the roles of domestic servants and sometimes as ‘virtual farm managers’.

The role of the traditional council of elders changed according to the whims and dictates of the colonial state and targeted labour recruitment. The colonial state enacted a series of measures to create and maintain labour supply including hut and poll taxes in 1902 and 1903; the Masters and Servants Ordinance 1910, the Resident Native Labour Ordinance (RNLO) and the kipande system in 1918, defined both the legal status and the labour roles of the squatter who were of African native.

2.6.4 Colonial Taxation Policies and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County.
Raising revenue was one of the major problems that faced the British East Africa Protectorate when it was established in 1895. This was important because the nascent colonial state required finances to set up formal administration, establish the British presence in the whole country and to provide basic services such as the development of infrastructure and the maintenance of law and order. Initially, there was financial support from the imperial government in the form of grants-in aid. But like other British colonies, the protectorate had ultimately to rely upon local initiative to raise most of its revenue. A variety of instruments were therefore developed to raise the money needed mainly through direct and indirect taxation. Other revenues were derived from licences and railway tariffs. It was therefore within that budgetary framework that the direct taxation of Africans was introduced into Kenya by the colonial administration.

To fortify Africans into the labour market, the state founded hut and poll charges that were to be paid in real money. To meet tax requirement or for their own needs, numerous Africans were drowned into wage economy. The advancement of tea estate by Europeans settlers animated the demand for African work in the farms.
Overwhelming tax collection on African family unit was utilized for revenue to transportation and extension services to European farms. 1937 Resident workers law empower British administration to remove squatters’ domesticated animals’ and inevitably the squatters themselves from their territory over the succeeding decades. This world made a possibly exploitive to Africans without land and touchable economy.
Consequent to these occasions the vagrant work economy was created. The main “hut charges” (East Africa Hut Tax Ordinance 1903) and the later Poll Tax (Native Hut and Poll Tax Ordinance 1910) were proposed to pressure Africans, who might not generally have looked for paying employment, the occupations in estates or in urban regions with a specific end goal to have the capacity to pay their expenses (Kitching 1980, van Zawanenberg 1975, Stichter 1982). Open doors for wage work in smallholder farming were almost non-existent while quickly extending white settler economy reliant on these work supplies for farms extensiosn and advancement.
The advancement of wage work advertises in smallholder agribusiness dates from around 1915 (in Nyeri District). Existing types of work associated to family unit work, mutual work and work groups were not adequately given to the developing class of traders, educators and artisans. This class of laborer peasants introduces crops, for example, English potatoes and wheat which were significantly led to more work than conventional maize, millet and bean farming. Men were utilized for burrowing and ladies were utilized for planting, weeding and collecting. Work supplies extended significantly in the mid-1930s; however plantation agribusiness still rivaled smallholder farming for work and both turned out to be pretty subject to transient work (Cowen and Murage undated).
The legislature introduce a hut tax and a poll tax, “together adding up to about a twenty-five Kenyan shillings, it took nearly two months of African wages at the domestic rate. Tax collection was a two-fold edged sword: it empowered worker commodity generation on wage employment. Truth be told, worker commodity generation expanded unequivocally in those areas from where the colonial state and capital anticipated that would draw their labour.
Coming in of a tax on the locals was the best way to make them need for cash and therefore a wage employment. Cash item was still an outsider idea to the Africans and there was a need to coordinate them into a money related economy. Cash as a medium of trade that was utilized by the settlers and the imperial administration and these were the main development of cash in the colony. The requirement for cash by the Africans was through tax assessment. If Africans somehow managed to pay charges, then they would need to work for either the administration or the settlers. What’s more, this was the means by which tax collection was presented in Kenya.
Tax collection came in to stage not on account of it was an important open fund measure, yet it was expected as a method for driving Africans to work for the white farmers keeping in mind the end goal to gain cash to pay charges with it. The coming up of expenses in Kenya was a development of encounter and sharpness between the Africans and the colonial administration which from various perspectives converted into European settlers.
The governor on the time of the completion of the Mombasa-Kisumu railway, Sir Charles Eliot, perceived Kenya in his mind as an agricultural capability and known as the Kenya highlands ‘white man’s united states of America’. Sir Charles Eliot argued that the protectorate needed to finance its very own management cost and that new sources of money had to be tapped into to generate revenue to fulfill the running expenses of the railway and the colony. He endorsed the creation of a hut tax and the colonization of the wealthy Kenya highlands by using the Europeans settlers. Additionally argued that for railway get customers as passengers, Europeans must be allowed to settle within the highlands to encourage the Africans to increase their resources to the factor of creating the railway feasible (Ochieng 1985). Even though Sir Eliot was openly contemptuous of Africans in step with Ochieng (1985), it’s miles important to be aware that he nevertheless believed in his civilization challenge, focused on individuals as opposed to a community. (Ochieng (1985: 104).

In keeping with chiriyankandath (quoted in burnell & randall 2008:44), the colonial turned into autocratic, extractive and coercive’. It used its thin management, minority white populace and community collaborators to maintain its authority. Its remaining purpose to civilize the heathens and set up a brand new dependable white dominion which turned into comfortable and founded on the ideas of the British way of life and Western civilization. Subsequently, the presence of Africans of U.S.A. turned into disregarded or forgotten. The brand new white settlements had been henceforth created in a vacuum and a completely new society mounted as though none had existed earlier than. Kenya’s administration was divided into a small range of provinces, districts, divisions, locations and villages. All of the provinces, districts and divisions were placed under the jurisdiction of European officers and locations and villages became the duty of African chiefs.

In 1912, chiefs were allowed to rent parents to help them hold order and assist them in tax collection. It changed additionally the obligation of a first-rate to call out any quantity of capable-bodied persons to labour without pay on public works. In a nutshell, chiefs in Kenya, in line with (Ochieng 1985:106) had been created to collect hut and poll taxes an imposition of the colonial powers on the Kenyan society and to hold ordinance, it additionally provided for cheap work force for the general public and the settlers’ (an precise white institution in Kenya) requirements.

One of the main purposes of the colonial taxation system was to provide requisite funds for administering the colony as a field of exploitation. European colonizers ensured that Africans paid for the upkeep of the governors and police who oppressed them and served as watchdogs for private capitalists. Indeed, taxes and customs duties were levied in the 19th century with the aim of allowing the colonial powers to recover the costs of the armed forces which they dispatched to conquer Africa. In that effect, the colonial governments did not commit itself in funding the operations of colonies. All expenses were met by exploiting the labour and natural resources of the continent; and for all practical purposes the expense of maintaining the colonial government machinery was in of form of land alienation for investment of white settlers and the products of African labour. The French colonies were especially victimized in this respect. Particularly since 1921, the local revenue raised from taxation had to meet all expenses as well as to build up a reserve.

The Native Hut Tax was introduced in 1901 through the Hut Tax Regulations of 1901. The taxes were charged on all huts which were abodes and paid in terms of Rs (2 Rupees) per annum. The occupiers of the hut were charge for every hut. In the event that a man had numerous cottages he needed to work for quite a long time to raise the cash for every one of the cabins or he needed to work with some of his spouses and children to raise the tax.
Given that the African culture was to a great extent polygamous hence the more huts there were in an estate face the heavier the taxation rate for the proprietor of the residence. It was additionally standard by the Africa customs that all the adult children lived in their own cottages despite the fact that they had no spouses. In 1903 the Hut Tax was raised to three rupees (Rs. 3) and the Commissioner was bestowed rights to shift the charges of taxes every now and then but couldn’t surpass Rs 3. The expense could likewise be paid in different kind including work. At this point, recall that Africans were occupied with barter trade economy and had no acceptable money unlike by the colonial powers. The British brought by forced currency to the market for their products and along these lines the best way to pay tax was through arrangement of working on European farms.
The Hut Tax immediately affected move of specific parts of the economy from bargain to money related premise. The general wage level was about Rs 3 every month and in this way one month’s work was sufficient to pay charge for one hovel. In any case, if a man had more than one cottage then he expected to work for the same number of months to raise the cash for payment of the taxes. The burden of this duty brought on grown-ups swarming in one cottage as opposed to building more cottages which would pull in extra charges. Swarming in one cottage was a clever way of tax evasion. Those Africans who worked far from their homes needed to work for longer keeping in mind the end goal to accommodate their settlement, subsistence and travel costs. This prompted to overburdening of male and consequently the youngsters turn into the benefit of contributing not straightforwardly to the tea estate but rather in different areas like road construction, herding European cattle and weighing of tea at stations to supplement the family needs.

With a specific end goal was to circumvent of Native Hut Tax, another Poll Tax law was acquainted which engaged the Commissioner with force charge on any individual who was not secured by the Hut Tax. A Poll Tax was set for all African grown-up of 25 years and more, it was established to run parallel with the Hut Tax. Prior to the setting of the Poll Tax, the Commissioner had to use forces to fluctuate charge since 1903 by coordinating that in case of a bigger number of grown-ups than are involved in one family living in a cottage each extra grown-up could pay the measure of hut tax in drive until further notice. This duty was at first put in force in the topographical locales which were thickly populated i.e. the locales constituted the Rift valley, Central and Eastern Provinces of Kenya.
The raise in Hut Tax rates for the Africans in the 1920’s matched with the coming up of low-rate salary charges for Europeans. The reason for the huge duty increments for the Africans was to drive African to work for longer hours on European plantations. The European pioneers refused setting of income tax energetically and this resistance postponed the setting of income tax for quite a while. In the meantime, the African Shilling was acquainted as domestic cash to supplant the Indian Rupee. The conversion scale between the Rupee and the Shilling was two Shillings to one Rupee (2 African shillings = 1 rupee). This was to disadvantage on African workers who had to be paid on African shillings and then pay the taxes on rupees.
The tax collection framework in Kenya for the Africans neglected one of the cardinal standards of tax collection in particular, capacity to pay. Capacity to pay was methodically overlooked by the imperial power since Africans were being saddled keeping in mind the end goal to constrain them to toil on their farms and plantations. An extraordinary arrangement of the 1910 Ordinance required ladies living in their own particular hovels to pay Hut Tax. This was especially troublesome for dowagers who needed to work to pay charges hence use their children to raise the money. Since market economy and the utilization of cash was not yet a set up method for executing business for the Africans, they just attempted to procure cash from the whites to pay tax charges. The taxation rate led the Africans to move from their territories and live as squatters on European firms. In certain ways it can be contended that duty was utilized to compel the Africans to collaborate with the white pilgrims and the administration and give the essential work and not to present a fiscal economy for the Africans.
Both the Hut Tax and Poll Tax were extremely unacceptable among the Africans. This circumstance was exacerbated by the low wages paid to the Africans. The imperial power kept the wages low to guarantee, after the installment of taxes the Africans held just a little for subsistence hence continuing to work for more hours. So as to finish the cycle of reliance, the British administration sorted out a framework where the Africans could get upkeep using loans and the sum due would be deducted from the laborers regularly on their day or monthly pay.
In 1932 a commission was delegated under the chairmanship of Lord Moyne to take a gander at the delimitation clauses of Hut and Poll charges. The commission was to see into the commitment made to tax assessment both immediate and aberrant by the different racial groups in the nation. This implied the commission needed to separate the expense income in light of every race and afterward make a solution to the imperial powers. Master Moyne’s report prescribed:
1. The prompt exclusion from Hut tax for dowagers.
2. The exclusion from tax liabilities from those whose wellbeing was sufficiently not good and in this way they couldn’t figure out how to pay taxes as they couldn’t work or the individuals who had whatever other sensible reason.
3. Prompt supplanting of Poll tax with another uniform grown-up male poll imposes at the rate of six shillings and that the expense is gathered by method for stamps with a registration certificate.
The income created by Poll and Hut duties was low. Amid the ten year time frame somewhere around 1935 and 1944 the income raised from both taxes raised from 502,302 pounds to 524,719. The increment rate of these taxes did not mirror the qualities of an assessment administration arranged toward improvement. As showed before the target of the tax was to force Africans into obligated work for the white farms.
In 1936 another commission was set up whose reason for existing was because of affirmations of hardships and blunder of the duty administration and mismanaging of force in the government and accumulation of the Hut tax and the Poll charge. The commission carried study in many parts of the nation and discovered that there were numerous issues connected with the duty collection and redistribution. There were unlawful seizures of stock, illicit detention, abuse, beatings and influences with a specific end goal to acquire exclusion and different acts of neglect by the administrators. The commission along these lines presumed that there were without a doubt issues in accumulation of both the Hut impose and the Poll charge which made the assessment framework extremely disagreeable. The Commission prescribed the nullification of these two charges to be supplanted by a universal poll imposes upon all people of equal age set unlike of existing Hut and Poll charges. It suggested that accumulation of duty ought to be completed by Revenue Officers designated solely for that reason. Declarations were to be issued to those individuals who were for all time exempted from paying duties.
The setting up of universal poll charge for all age mates, it supplanted the Hut tax impose which had begun as a family impose, gradually developing into an individual duty like Poll tax which was an tax on individual. The installment of Hut tax and Poll charge added up to two-fold tax assessment on a similar person.
A property and income taxes was presented in 1920. The Ordinance set up the Capital Gains taxes expressed that, “In ascertaining the gross measure of salary of a citizen, there might not incorporated any property unless sold or moved in the standard course of completing a business”. This arrangement included offer of capital materials utilized as a part of business the length of the deal cost was in overabundance of the recorded cost.
On December 14, 1923, Cotton tax was put in place on all cotton planted and prepared in the state and this must be paid through Cotton Lint and Marketing Board. The duty did not influence the growing of cotton as this was an item that was popular and every one of that was done was to pass the cost to the purchasers. Traditions Duty and Excise Duty were presented in 1923 on all imports to the settlers. The tax was to go for ensuring the beginning assembling endeavors particularly the brew business.

In 1926 the Non-Native Poll Tax Ordinance influencing whites and Asians was passed requiring every one of the grown-ups to pay a Poll duty of Shs 30 annum. Until the section of this Ordinance, Whites and Asians had been exempted from impose except from the Education impose. It ought to be said here, that wages impose statute had come into place in 1921 however was never actualized because of resistance by the white settlers.
Salary Tax which had flopped in 1921 and was re-presented in 1932 yet bombed again because of resistance by the whites. In any case, a pay tax bill was in the end forced in 1937 after a commission of investigation into monetary position and tax assessment in Kenya. In 1932, Ordinance Number 116 presented Livestock Tax which had barred the Maasai’s from keeping large number of stock. A significant part of the land where Maasai munched their cows had been taken away by white settlers and the rest of the land was just not ‘sufficient to bolster large number of animals. What’s more, the pilgrims grumbled that their dairy cattle were being contaminated by tick-borne illnesses conveyed by Maasai livestock’s. Another objective of this enactment was the “squatters” on pioneer plantations who kept few dairy cattle for the sustenance of their families. Dairy cattle duty was especially to despised Africans to whom animals was held for its private esteem as opposed to market esteem; it additionally influenced habitation of Nandi Hills since kept domesticated animals to supplement their salary.
Company Tax was presented in 1937. This was the first occasion that business was subjected to tax collection. The business and assembling division had been developing consistently and the nearby market for fabricated merchandise had developed significantly to warrant a tax on business benefits. The Company tax and Income duty were presented in the meantime and the two were implemented mutually. The entry of these two measures was generally because of the feedback that duty ought to be founded on capacity to pay rather the shade of one’s skin.
In July 1941 two laws were passed to tax excess profits. The Excess Profits Ordinance was notwithstanding the 10% duty on company benefits. The Excess Profits Ordinance connected to “each exchange, business, calling or job for whatever timeframe it might have been continued or worked out. In 1943 Export Duty was presented for natural raw materials. This tax demoralized manufacturers from exporting out their raw materials and rather sold their by-product to domestic industries. This tax helped domestic producers from sourcing raw materials from outside. Two other minor charges amid this decade were Consumption Tax and Hospital Tax which were both expected for Europeans.
In 1958 an Ordinance establishing the Graduated Personal Tax was presented. This tax was proposed to raise income for domestic powers from the rising number of workers who lived in those communities. The tax blended a tempest of debate and was at long last canceled in 1971. This tax bound together the different charges paid by people. It was a dynamic duty whose concentration was an individual’s ability to pay. This was the first occasion when that the expenses were not arranged on racial lines.
In 1959, a Traditional Liquor Tax was put in place. The duty was for brewing or preparing of conventional alcohol devoured to a great extent by Africans in the rustic territories. Production and handling of conventional African alcohol had quickly spread into urban creating direct rivalry with Europeans Ales, Lagers and different lagers.
In 1918, the Resident Native Ordinance was passed to request that squatters paid installments in form of labor and not in other kind or in real money. This was done to keep the squatter on plantation from contending with or notwithstanding overshadowing European plantation. Welfare for squatters started crumbling from the mid-1920s, at first intangibly, then drastically from the 1930s. As reserves turned out to be more swarmed, more individuals left them to wind up as squatters and afterward they lost the capacity to return. After some time, squatters’ plots become smaller and with time they were required to work for settlers demand increased. In 1918, a squatter were supposed work on the farms for three months, yet this raise to six months in 1925 and eight months in March 1944.
Free labour rose first in the urban communities, where the dominant part of specialists worked in managerial and administration occupations (rather than industrial). From the earliest point, Kenya’s wage work was fragmented along racial, ethnic, local and sexual orientation lines. For the most part Europeans possessed the top positions, Asians Indians were in the center, while Africans were at the base of the word related chain of command. Among the Africans the work, market was ruled by individuals from the Central and Nyanza regions, especially the Kikuyu, Luo and Luyia. Ladies’ participating in the formal work market was low due to the joined impacts of customary and European patriarchalism which recommended an unbending arrangement of division of work designed along sex lines. In this framework, ladies remained in the country side ranges to ranch and bring up their youngsters, when men moved to the urban side to work.
The vast majority of the Colonial Government’s work statutes and the policies on tax assessment came about due to male work relocation. A great part of the enactment was drafted under the presumption that there were idle men in the reserves. Some surrendered that the consolation of African male to look for wage employment in urban postured major issues for the ladies and kids by expanding their work stack henceforth the youngsters and ladies began attempting to work more to supplement the rising family expenses. In 1901 the organization of the hut imposes served to draw men into vagrant work for money. These naturally led the ladies and kids to work on European farms for pay. This was collective work presented as per the Native Followers Recruitment Ordinance of 1915; it endorsed shares for the chiefs on the number of workers they recruited. On the off chance that the numbers required were not met this prompted to serious punishments. Chief some of the time swung to ladies and youngsters for common work or force work” (Buell, 1965)
Chambliss (1973) demonstrate that the imperial law characterized that any individual of 16 years or more as a grown-up. This age restrict combined in areas, for example, tax assessment and work. The upheld policies of tax assessment from the age of sixteen was seen as the most intense approach to propel the minor to break with his home, the African kid at 16 years old subsequently was made “grown-up” to lead their lives free of their parent’s advice and deal with their financial undertakings. For instance, the Poll and Hut Taxes required each “physically fit” male beyond sixteen a years old pay a charge to the imperial power. Towards this end, numerous Africans (counting youngsters) squeezed a living as unskilled worker, sellers, house-boys, artisans and even whores (Aseka 1992)25 .
Bernault (2003) 26 focuses to the likelihood that, various minors less than sixteen years old were likewise required to pay charge. As per Spear (1981) 27 the meaning of a legitimate age for kids uncovers by the pilgrim authorities was their eagerness to go up against a more noteworthy part in the exploitation of African minors. This control was at its least difficult method for controlling the developments of kids’ work and the stream of Minors vagrants from rustic regions, it additionally endeavored to control the conduct of minor delinquents to secure colonial interests.
The colonialist detained any sauntering kids, any unaccompanied youngsters who went to the wrong places likely searching for food or lost and kids who were neglected to pay the required tax, enlist themselves, or convey their ID cards. Such kids were favorable to colonial interests of free labour.

But the greatest loss for the African people was that taxation encroached on their liberty and their freedom. People were always on the lookout for the tax collector and ready to take instant flight when the collector’s presence was announced. In fact one of the main objections to the hut and poll tax in colonial Kenya was the manner of its administration. Those unable to pay were imprisoned or detained. The house-to-house canvass mostly by chiefs and headmen, found many people not at home. People might be found without ready cash. Many, therefore, took instant flight at the sight of the tax collectors. These taxes were levied on individuals without regard to their ability to pay or any benefits to be derived. The flat rate payment on property and a ‘head tax’ was certainly at the expense of the poor.

It increased monetization and commoditization of the economy. Most transactions were now made in cash; more land was put under cultivation to produce more commodities for the market; livestock now appreciated in its value and therefore instead of being used in most communities for purposes of paying dowry alone, they could now be sold in the market to get an income.

2.6.5 Colonial Education and Missionaries Policies and Its Implication on Nandi East Sub County.
Education is important in the maintenance of the social structure and in any society for the preservation of the lives of its members. Under certain circumstances, education also promotes social change. The greater part of that education is informal and is acquired by the young in the society from the example and behaviour of their elders in the society in that community.

While officially spreading the word of God to African people, “all missionaries strongly supported the colonial government’s action in alienating Gikuyuland and had no doubts about their right or that of the settlers to acquire Gikuyuland” (Pugliese, 1995). Their primary economic interest is reflected in their taking up land in common with other settlers.

White settlers made it clear that as far as they were concerned, an uneducated African was better than an educated one, and that one with the rudiments of education was at least preferable to one with more than a few years of schooling. The Beecher report on education in Kenya (produced in 1949) was heavily influenced by white settlers, and it stated frankly: Illiterates with the right attitude to casual employment were preferable outcome of the schools that are not experience exposed to enter manual jobs.

Indeed, the most crucial aspect of pre-colonial African education was its relevance to Africans, in sharp contrast with what was later introduced. The following features of pre-African education can be considered exemplary: its close association with social life, both in a material and spiritual sense, its collective nature, its view from many sides and its progressive advancement in conformity with the successive stages of physical, emotional and mental development of the child. There was no difference between the education and productive activity or any division between vocational and formal education. Moreover, informal pre-colonial education was based on the realities of the traditional African community which produced well-rounded individuals who could fit into the African society.

In spite of the fact that education originated before imperialism, the European countries utilized their solid forces to presented policies of training that were so westernized, whose point was to guarantee that African countries to be enslaved and abused or exploited. Imperialism emerged out of the requirement for European countries to have coordinated political control over their states in order to guarantee the security of their monetary intrigue. Along these lines, expansionism was not simply only an arrangement of exploitation, but rather one whose fundamental object was to repatriate the benefits to the metropoles. By trading the benefits made by African Labor to Europe, the improvement of Europe was guaranteed.
Walter (1972) distinguished the accompanying elements of indigenous African training which are: its closeness connections with social life, both in material and otherworldly sense, its aggregate nature, its numerous sidedness and dynamic advancement of the kid. He kept up that there was no partition of instruction and beneficial movement or any division amongst manual and scholarly training. By and large through for the most part casual means, pre-colonial African training coordinated the substances of pre-colonial African culture and delivered balanced identities to fit into that society.
Colin (1968) in this manner battled that specific measure of specialized preparing was fundamental to give shoddy semi-skilled work yet that it couldn’t be permitted to proceed past a given standard or the Africans would soon be rivaling whites imperialist. Regardless of whatever advance that was set up, it couldn’t change the way that pilgrim training was an instrument to serve the European industrialist class in its exploitation of Africans. Whatever imperial teachers thought or did couldn’t change that fundamental certainty.
Colonialism and schooling are primary approaches through which Colonial powers perpetuated underdevelopment in Africa. Although education predates colonialism, however the colonial administration used their robust powers to introduce a device of training skills that were so foreign, whose purpose ensured that African communities were subjugated and exploited. Colonialism came out of the wants for British administration and the white settlers to have direct political control over their African colonies to make sure the safety in their investments. So, colonialism is not just simply a machine of exploitation, but one whose important reason changed into to repatriate the income to the metropoles. By exporting the income created by means of African labour to Europe, the improvement of Europe turned into assured.

As indicated by Onwauchi (1972), Indigenous African social orders taught their kids through the on-going procedure of life in their customary traditions and qualities. Through their conventional stories and myths, the senior citizens educate the kids on the oral codes of conduct and social connections through some type of apprenticeship and social support, kids procured the procedures of correspondence and bringing home the bacon and also those of the imaginative expressions inside the way of life (p. 242).
The casual apprenticeship and direct support of the kids in adding to their general public was substituted with a formal regimental educational modules instruction in light of the social estimations of the colonizer. Onwauchi (1972) insinuate there were separations between imperial training and the lives of the youngsters in their common habitat. He places, the regular African child has frequently confronted with numerous surprising issues of social clash when he goes to formal schooling. This contention was expected basically cause disconnection between the school environment and home environment” (p.243). Expansionism reclassified the relationship between the youngster and the community. The pertinence of the family and the community as socialization specialists was supplanted by the surrogate royal instruction framework, which did not esteem the importance of the general population’s way of life.
The colonizers did not bring training into Africa: they presented another arrangement of formal instructive organizations which halfway supplemented and incompletely supplanted those which were there some time. The colonial framework additionally animated values and practices which added up to new casual training. The primary reason for the imperial educational system was to prepare Africans to man the domestic government at the most reduced positions and to staff the private industrialist firms claimed by Europeans. Essentially, that implied selecting a couple of Africans to take an interest in the control and exploitation of the landmass all in all. It was not an instructive framework that became out of the African environment or one that was intended to advance the most normal utilization of material and social assets. It was not an instructive framework intended to give youngsters certainty and pride as individuals from African social orders, yet one which tried to ingrain a feeling of reverence towards every one of that was European and industrialist. Training in Europe was commanded by the capitalist class. A similar class predisposition was consequently exchanged to Africa; and to aggravate matters the prejudice and social pride harbored by capitalist were additionally incorporated into the bundle of colonial instruction. Colonial tutoring was instruction for subordination, exploitation, the formation of mental perplexity and the improvement of underdevelopment of Africans.
Africans were being taught inside imperial schools to end up junior assistants, Agricultural work laborers and flag-bearers. An excessive amount of learning would have been both pointless and hazardous for assistants and couriers. In this manner, auxiliary training was uncommon and different types of advanced education were practically non-existent, all through a large portion of the provincial age.
Because of the separation created by colonial instruction, numerous kids lost their status as financial resources for their families and got to be monetary liabilities. Instructive polices of imperialist times did also present systematized destitution, as well as legitimized the utilization of kids as workers. Kids as a major aspect of the work drive made up of the colonial political economy of Africa perpetually changed the idea of youth and kid raising practices in contemporary African social orders. Word related examples of the new political economy couldn’t maintain the subsistence farming practices of the conventional African social orders, and decreased the importance of the more distant family framework, which gave support and creation to youngsters.
Clitoridectomy has been illegal in Kenya for several years. Prior to this, Christian missionaries had been preaching against the practice for many years with some success. At the time I was in the field in 1976 about twenty percent of women in their twenties and thirties, primarily those with secondary education, but also some with higher levels of primary education, had refused to have the operation. Some women who had been traditionally initiated told me that they didn’t see that they had gained anything much from it and wouldn’t choose it again if they had the choice.

African norms and culture were destroyed by Christian missionary activities through the gospels of salvation, obedience and work. Through western education, which they dominated, Christian missions preached against African cultures and indoctrinated their converts to see the pristine African traditions and cultures as satanic. Colonial education which was given to Africans community inculcated the growth of tranquil and obedient elites. This process facilitated the installation of the colonialists’ surrogates as leaders in the post-colonial/post-independence African states (Ndege, 2009)
Colonial education was an ideological pacifier. Ideological pacification was insidious and humiliating idea that was decisively implanted in African psyches and accepted by African as their destiny that they (Africans and their educational values) were inferior. Colonial education was used to modify the beliefs, thoughts, behaviour and mental thinking of African that they are inferior to the white race. This notion was capture by James MacQueena, British geographer: If we really wish to do to Africa, we must teach her savage sons that white men are their superior (Falola 2007). Olive Whitehead in a critical examination of the British imperial educational policy points out that indigenous people were brainwashed to discard their own cultures and embrace western cultures which were supposedly superior (Whitehead 2005). Similarly Frantz Fanon in relation to colonial education asserted that the colonizer did not stop his work of breaking in the colonized until the latter admitted loudly and clearly the supremacy of white values (Seraqueberhan: 2010).

The main purpose of the colonial school system was to train Africans to help administer the local administration at the lowest ranks and to staff the private capitalist firms owned by Europeans. It meant selecting some Africans to take part in the ruling and exploiting of the African continent. The educational system did not grow out of the African environment or one that was designed to promote the most rational use of material and social resources of the Africans. It was not an educational system designed to give young people confidence and pride as members of African societies, but one which sought to instil a sense of deference towards all that was European and capitalist. Education in Europe was dominated by the capitalist class and the same capitalistic class bias was automatically transferred to Africa and to make matters worse the racism and cultural boastfulness harboured by capitalism were also included in the package of colonial education. Colonial schooling was education for subordination, exploitation and the creation of mental confusion and the development of underdevelopment.

In the words of W.E.B. Du Bois education became an agent of changing one’s consciousness … this sense of always looking at one self through the eyes of others… Equally on education Carter Woodson spoke about “miseducation” of the Negro and in this context mis-education of an African during colonialism:
…the Negro’s mind has been brought under the control of his oppressor. The problem of looking down upon the Negro, it is easily solved. When you control a man’s thinking, you do not have to worry about his ways. You do not have to tell him not to stand here or go yonder. He will find his “proper place” and will stay in it. You do not need to send him to the back door. He will go without being told. In fact if there no back door he will cut one for his special benefit. His education makes it necessary (Falola 2007).
Ngugi Wa Thiongo in his book Decolonizing the Mind is critical of colonial education as ideological pacifier:
The process annihilates people’s belief in their names, in their language in their environment, in their heritage of struggle, in their unity, in their capacities and ultimately in themselves. It makes them see their past as one wasteland of non-achievement and it makes them want to distance themselves from that wasteland. It makes them want to identify with that which is furthest removed from themselves (Thiongo: 1981).
In the words of Frantz Fanon, colonial education apart from emptying the natives’ brain of all forms and content it turned into the past of the oppressed people and distorted, disfigured and destroyed it (Fanon 1991). Colonial education became an instrument of destroying indigenous cultures, values, education system and replaced with ambivalent versions (Kahinde: 2006.) It produced instead a class of people in the words of (Antonett (1926) ‘parasites of the working community ‘and (AimeCeassaire 2000) subordinate functionaries, brainless elites and degraded masses.

Colonial education became a tool for the realization of the social and economic development and social transformation desired by Europeans. The missionaries wanted to get catechists, messengers and other handlers, merchants required personnel to handle their business transactions, colonial settler required skilled native labour. Colonial education was to provide the required skills to service the needs of the White settler in Africa (Urch 1971:249-264; Omolewa: 2006:267-287). Taking Kenya as an example the influx of white settlers in the early 1920 and 1930s and with increased land alienation there was an increase demand of African labour but their inadequacy in certain skills necessitated training.

The above analysis clearly demonstrates that colonial education had specific mission in Africa:
To service the European political and social and economic motivation.
Colonial education was far removed the meeting the needs of the African population nor was it geared towards filling the African skill gap in order to meet the social, political and economic demands or make Africans self-reliant. Consequently colonial education was not built on African social values and economic needs simply because the colonizer perceived that the black races of Africa had not attained a complete and coherent civilization of their own nor did they possess necessary foundations on which to build up a real system of education (Charton: 1930).

Colonial education had categories of socialization that was in conflict with African traditions norms and authority structures. For example colonial education was not built on African culture such as language. Indeed Africans were even forbidden to speak their language and adapt to foreign language such as French and English (McGarvey 1977).

Colonial education enculturated, alienated, de-culturalised and brought those educated African into direct conflict with their traditions, norms and values.

2.6.6 World Wars and Its Implication on Social and Economic Of Nandi East Sub County.
The First World War from 1914-1918, opened a new phase in the economic and political history of British colonial taxation in Kenya. With the outbreak of war, it became apparent that a heavy charge was required to finance the war effort considering the fact that Germany then at war, with Britain, had colonized contiguous German East Africa. This was to prove a financial disaster for the East Africa Protectorate whose expenditure by 1913 had been balanced and no longer required grants-in-aid from Britain. In short, the war threatened to bankrupt the protectorate and urgent measures had to be put in place to alleviate the financial status and enable the protectorate recompense for the new burden.

In the words of John Everton, the First world war
… was a time of extreme stress for both colonial economy and the colonial state in Kenya. It continued for four full years as British and Indian troops struggled to gain control the former German East Africa from a small force of German troops.,It was a campaign that, by its proximity to the British Protectorate, greatly taxed the resources of that country. African porters, driver gun barers and troops, oxen for draught and food, grain, and vegetables ·were required in very large quantities. As a result, the domestic labor” stock and grain markets were drastically reoriented.

Before the Second’s over World War the British settlers had resolved to press the squatter relationship to the point of crisis. In a few zones squatters were banished from keeping any domesticated animals and where domesticated animals were permitted they were confined to just 15 sheep. Despite the fact that they were typically permitted to look after somewhere around one and a half to two acres of land, with rising work needs (extending from at least 240 to 270 days) and with no wage raise, doubtlessly their subordination was for all intents and purposes entire.
In 1939, the imperial government acquired a large parcel of land for the expelled squatters. But the land was of low quality, it constituted many of the African squatters, but they declined to move. Consequently, in 1939, there were more than 30,000 ousted, landless squatters. Towards independence of Kenya, squatter labour represented just 4% in the farming sector.

TABLE 3: Ethnic groups in the sample of WWII enlistees and the Kenyan population (in %) Ethnic group.Table: Ethnic groups in the sample of WWII enlistees and the Kenyan population (in %) Ethnic group Sample of WWII enlistees Census 1948 Census 1962
Kikuyu 8.9 19.5 19.1
Luo 30.3 13.3 13.3
Luhya 7.9 12.5 12.6
Kamba 9.7 11.6 10.8
Kalenjin 3.6 6.5 10.4
Kisii 2.5 4.9 6.3
Meru 23.8 6.2 5.1
Mijikenda 0.0 4.6 4.8
Somali and other Northern Pastoralists 9.1 1.5 6.8
Other 4.1 19.4 10.6
Following World War I, as the men work supply dwindled; more ladies were used for mandatory work. Force labour proceeded after the war, incited a decent civic criticism. Chiefs and seniors citizens at an administration baraza (meeting) in Kiambu in 1921 were cited in the press such that the act of constraining ladies and minors to toil at plantation was still in vogue. As a consequence of the Second World War numerous men were enrolled by the British government to battle in the war abroad. These prompted to an extreme lack of work in these crisis periods of the war. Because of poverty they were compelled to survive and the settlers accepted this chances to take advantage of them by paying them cheaply hence exploitation.
Buell states that “the second world war increased movement of men to the towns and made the kids and women to fill the work space left by the men as providers of family needs. Kids’ work was supported in the European homesteads and in 1924; there were 11,315 Children at work in the coffee and tea plantations. Youngsters’ labour was geared on the grounds that it was less expensive than grown-up work. It can be noticed that child work kept in the colonial time frame as Buell includes that.
World War I had fortified the significance to Britain of defending the route to India. The requirement to appreciate the returning soldiers by taking away of land from Africans who were progressively consigned to reserves comprising basically of low-potential of farming land that the metropole did not need. Before the end of this period of European settlement, the White Highlands included more than 16,000 square miles, around one-portion of the high-potential, farming land in Kenya.

The Carter Commission did not solve the land problem but rather formalized the existing land situation (Oboler, 1985, p. 146). In late 1920s and early 1930s, the worldwide economic depression worsened the situation. The colonial government responded to the crisis by encouraging the Africans to intensify their cultivation. This was an attempt to fill the gap left by the decline in European production caused by lowered prices. Increased African production could keep up the level of export of the colony as a whole (ibid. p. 147). Overstocking in the African reserves became a major concern in late 1930s. The outbreak of the Second World War led to the temporary shelving of the soil degradation problem in African reserves. Africans, like white settlers, were encouraged to put every available acre under cultivation of crops (Kitching, 1980, p. 102). The trend did not change after the War; Britain emerged from the War with a weak economy. Between 1945 and 1951, Britain intensified agricultural production in the colonies to meet its economic deficit. However, all the above placed a very severe strain on the African resources (Jalango-Ndeda, 1991, p. 239). In Kenya, it led to the demands for the restoration of alienated land, which was not heeded by the colonial government, culminating in the Mau Mau rebellion in Central Province (Okoth-Ogendo, 1989, p. 69; Migot-Adholla, Place & Oluoch-Korura, 1994, p. 119). The colonial government interpreted the problem facing African areas to be as a result of poor management of soils and not overpopulation. To deal with this problem, the Worthington Plan was enacted in 1946. Land development programme (ALDEV) was formed under the Worthington Plan. Money was directed towards soil conserving projects such as terracing, bush clearing, strip cropping and application of manure systematic culling and destruction of unwanted animals in overstocked areas. Demonstration farms were established in some reserves. In Nandi, such a farm was established at Ndalat in the northern part of the reserve. The Nandi outside the scheme, who adopted the techniques demonstrated at Ndalat, were permitted to claim and enclose land (Tanui, 1996, p. 160). However, ALDEV was unable to solve the problem of overpopulation and soil deterioration in the African reserves. In 1951, attention was shifted to land tenure in African reserves. Governor Sir Philip Mitchel formed the Royal Commission to examine the state of African economy. The Commission was expected to recommend on ways to deal with the pressing and acute problems faced by African reserves to preserve land or achieve yields above subsistence (Harberson, 1973, p. 28).
The other reason which forced the Nandi to contract as squatters was that during the First World War, some Nandi left their reserve in order to avoid having their stock commandeered for provisions under the Stock and Produce Thefts Ordinance. This Ordinance, which was meant as a measure against the theft of settler stock, had adverse effects on cattle owners. Under the ordinance, up to ten times the value of stolen stock could be confiscated from any member of a cattle thief s Bororiet or location. The penalty was excessive and some Nandi livestock owners, rather than risk the reduction of their stock by such a legislation, moved to European farms as squatters. Here, their stock was safe from the above law. Once outside the reserve squatters were not subject to the Nandi pass regulations and had much greater mobility. In many cases, the Nandi lived on European farms without much supervision from the settlers.

During World War H, agricultural production was intensified to produce enough food for war purposes. But in the post-war period, emphasis shifted to the production of cash crops, and little attention was paid to the subsistence food needs of the Nandi’s. But than ever before as the colonialists started giving recognition to African agricultural activities, aspects of class differentiation, unequal exchange, uneven development, wealth accumulation were even more amplified, as was the proletarianisation of the Nandi population and its dependency on the capitalist structures and institutions. By independence, therefore, the Kipsigis agriculture had been fundamentally transformed and integrated into the Kenyan colonial economy as part of the world capitalist system.

2.6.7 Migration of the Community and Its Implication on the Social and Economics of Nandi East Sub CountyThere was a mass migration of the Nandi, who fled to Tanzania most from Nandi East Sub County. In the presentation title The Historical Injustices ; Land Claims of the Nandi Community during the Pre ; Post Independence Era in Kenya: The Case for the Tanzanian Nandi Returnees, by KORIR SINGO’EI AND GILBERT SAINA, when presented to the Truth Justice & Reconciliation Commission seating at Eldoret on the 3rd October 2011, by center for community dialogue & development, Timur self-help group, through their legal counsels. They argue that the genesis of the problems facing the Nandi community during the colonial era started way-back in the early and mid-1950,s when the District Commissioner, Nandi District in conjunction with the Governor of the British territory of Tanganyika facilitated the immigration and settlement of Kenyans(mainly from the Nandi community) in the Mara area in Tanganyika. Among the administrators who facilitated and took part in the emigration processes were;
The then colonial District Commissioner, Nandi District, Sir G.CM DOWSON
Chief Arap Katonon,
Chief Elijah Arap Rugut,
Chief Kiprop Arap Titi,
Chief Joel Arap Malel,
Chief Arap Korir and three other Chief’s
That these colonial administrators handed over the emigrants to the trust authorities of Tanganyika namely;
The District Commissioner of Musoma, Mara province
The Chief of Isenye,
Chief Lotiginga of Nata,
Chief Simon of Ngurime,
Chief Nyeocha of Igoma,
Close to 200 families, were forced by the colonial administration to migrate from their prime lands in parts of Nandi and esbecially from Nandi East Sub County to moderate and tsetse fly infested settlements in Musoma and Serengeti districts in Northern Tanzania. They left with their herds of cattle joined by other community and family members, and took the long trek through Kisii, South Nyanza and eventually into Tanzania. The journey took as long as one month on foot.

They had been given immigration papers by the Nandi District Commissioner, Sir Dowson and were only allowed to bring with them 20 heads of cattle per family, which number was presumed to be enough to cater for their subsistence, both while travelling to , and also to assist them to begin livelihood while in Tanganyika. Records from the Kenya National Archives reveal that these people settled around Ushashi area and the Nata/Ikoma settlement area.

They lived in Tanganyika up to and until after the country attained independence in 1961 but they were not allowed to participate in any civic process such as voting nor contesting for any political seat. Their children were not allowed to carry on with studies beyond the elementary levels. Their stay was peaceful although they were not granted citizenship status and in 1991 they were ordered by the then government to move back to their native country-Kenya. They were not allowed to move with any material wealth since it was considered to be wealth dully acquired and accumulated from the soils and riches of the Tanganyika country.

They lost most of their valuables including cattle, and were transported back to Kenya where they were received by the District Commissioner, Nandi District in 1991. At the time they were temporarily settled at Kamoiywo location and Kapkangani location within Nandi District.

Upon their return to Kenya, most of the families had nowhere to settle, nor did they have the financial capacity to acquire land. Most of what they considered to be their indigenous community land had been converted to large tracts of commercial land growing sugar or tea plantations. Most of the land that formed part of their communal land now belonged to Companies, state corporations and individuals.

They were now left to become casual laborers in these farms, an issue that was their cause for moving out, in the first instance, during the colonial era. They have since sought the intervention of the government, to have their pleas for proper settlement attended to, but their cries have so far not been heard. They now live as squatters and landless people, with no stable means of seeking a living, most of them did not acquire any proper and or formal education, and hence they do not qualify to be employed, even in the tea estates or sugar plantations and factories, save for doing only menial jobs.

They claim that their native settlements prior to their unfortunate alienation comprised of the following areas;
The Northern part occupied by the railway from Chichilo, presently FORT TENAN area
Chemarus presently SOBA RIVER,
Leketet, presently KORU area,
Koisos, presently TAMU area,
Songhor, presently SONGHOR area,
Kipsamoo, presently ODUO area,
Morongio, presently MUHORONI area,
Kimatkei, presently CHEMELIL area,
Kipsegetet, presently MAKINDU, NGENY, OBUOR area,
Cheribo,currently MIWANI area,
Kibigorr, currently KIBIGORI area,
Kipelek, currently KIBOS area,
Kipranga currently MAMBOLEO,
Kimwani area presently in occupation by Agricultural Development Cooperation
Nandi Hills, presently occupied by various tea estate companies.Tibingot area, forming part of the land formally in occupation by the East Africa Tanning Extract Company.Most of these areas stated above are supported by the colonial historical map of the Nandi country during the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries and currently settled around Nandi East Sub County.

2.6.8 The Swynnerton Plan of 1954 and its Implication on Social and Economy of Nandi East Sub CountyThe Swynnerton Plan may (still) be considered as the foundation of contemporary agricultural policy formulation and implementation in Kenya. The Plan, named after a civil servant of the Kenyan colonial administration, was drawn up in the early 1950s to trigger off reforms. In effect it laid down the essential administrative and technological bed-rock of Kenya’s contemporary agrarian structure. The meaning of the Plan stretches far beyond simply allowing African producers to grow high-value crops and the establishment of a modern technico-administrative structure upon which commodity production for the international and national market could expand. The Swynnerton Plan proclaimed an agrarian revolution finally destroying all elements of previous colonial agricultural policies. The significance is vested in the political integration of indigenous producers and an extension of market and state control into areas which were hardly incorporated or touched by commoditisation processes previously.1 Moreover, the planned land tenure and agrarian reforms were also a response to political pressures from the indigenous black cultivators for access to (more) land and the right to commercialise agricultural production – rights they were deprived of so far.

The Swynnerton Plan aimed at promoting commodity production in the African Reserves and the provision of administrative and technological services. Agricultural research programmes were established to study the problems of African agriculture and programmes already existing were widened. Credit schemes were extended to ‘African’ areas and marketing policies were initiated to support the commercialisation of African agriculture.

Migration to new pastures and, finally, settlement in the region which is now Nandi district is an intrinsic part of their history. Cattle rearing was controlled primarily by men, but they had no exclusive property rights. Women, too, had some right to the cattle acquired by breeding and could dispose of its produce. Land, for cultivation (millet, vegetables and later maize) and grazing purposes, was not owned and was free for use by anyone in the community. Land was not viewed as an individual property. It was so plentiful that control over it was not a real issue in pre-colonial times.

The conditions for the Nandi started to change gradually after that the British managed to gain control over the area. Massive military campaigns finally and effectively subdued the Nandi, though resistance was not totally crushed. After the defeat of the Nandi, Nandi territory became clearly defined as a Reserve of about 700 square miles, and 1,250 sq. miles was alienated for white settlement. Nandi territory became the first Reserve in colonial Kenya. The loss of land and population pressure on the remaining land became a real issue in the early days of colonialism, as the Nandi strived to restore the numbers of cattle to a level sufficient to sustain semi-pastoral subsistence. These issues were important causes for resistance to colonisation and, at the same time, for the later movement of Nandi as squatters onto European farms, many of which were located on former Nandi land.

The decade of the 1950s was the period in which Nandi society was suddenly and radically transformed as the land tenure system changed profoundly. The Swynnerton Plan provided for the allotment of land and tilling of individual’s plots. In Nandi District, the pasture land, which had been held communally, was now divided and allocated to individuals. Land registration and demarcation of individual plot boundaries took place in Nandi during 1954 and 1955. Previously alienated land was returned to the Reserves. This ‘new’ land could be claimed by people from more crowded locations. Squatters on Uasin Gishu settler farms were also allowed to return to Nandi to make land claims. The return of stock was restricted, however, and related to the ‘carrying capacity’ of the land claimed.

This policy was accompanied by an encouragement to upgrade indigenous cattle through artificial insemination with semen from Guersney bulls.7 In addition, in the late 1950s, they were for the first time allowed to plant profitable cash crops. Tea, and coffee to a lesser extent, became next to maize and milk a cash crop of tremendous importance for the Nandi.

All these changes had far reaching implications: land issues began to assume greater importance. The new land tenure system being inconsistent with the social fabric and cohesion of the Nandi, limited the ability to rotate crop and cattle over a wide area. All this gave rise to discontent8 and to severe economic inequalities. The land shortage and the fragmentation of land, forced many to seek alternative means of livelihood, e.g., labour migration to a/o. Tanzania and Uganda. Tensions inherent in the new economic situation were beginning to make themselves felt. These tensions reflected the interests of smallholders versus larger scale landholders whose holdings continued to grow; of agricultural labourers versus large landholders who are employers of labour; Nandi landlords versus Luhya workers/tenants.

The inequalities based on gender, between men and women, also increased considerably. Land titles were given to men ignoring the traditional rights of women to land. Consequently, women’s access to credit was cut off. Oboler argues that ‘if the Nandi as a group have been co-opted to the interests of Kenya’s landed elite, Nandi women as an interest group have also been co-opted by the general affluence. Though Nandi’s women’s relative economic position vis-à-vis that of men has declined, in the midst of affluence it is hardly noticed.’ (Oboler 1982: 268 op cit.).2.6.9 General Impacts of Colonial Policies on Social and Economics of Nandi East Sub CountyA large segment of African communities were fundamentally affected by the wage labor system and this was more the case with communities near the major urban centers and communication networks which were closer to the western market economy.

Communities such as the Kikuyu, Kipsigis and Nandi which were neighboring the White Highlands were more attracted to the wage labor system and the more nomadic and pastoralist communities such as the Maasai and the people of the NFD were not so much affected as they did not constantly need incomes so as to make it. However, generally speaking the wage labor system impacted on colonial Kenya in various ways: The increased monetization and commoditization of the economy. Most transactions were now made in cash; more land was put under cultivation to produce more commodities for the market; livestock now appreciated in its value and therefore instead of being used in most communities for purposes of paying dowry alone, they could now be sold in the market to get an income. Emergence of the working class among the Africans. Most of these resided in the urban areas and European settler areas. This new class of individuals occupied a unique place within the African communities. These people were often seen as the gateway of the introduction of western culture in the rural areas.

Rural urban migration. This had the impact of leaving the African reserves generally neglected as only the old and young people were left in the rural areas. This inversely led to decline in agricultural production in the African reserves and the worsening economic situation of populations residing here.

New relations within the genders and families. In the absence of the young men most of the rural households were now taken over by women who now assumed the duties of men. Many families broke down due to the long periods of separation. Also now that young men were able to earn their own incomes, the traditional power relations were now broken down as the old men now could not use land ownership as a weapon to control the youth.

Expansion of urban areas. In many urban areas such as Nairobi, Mombasa and Kisumu African informal settlements sprouted up. These were often unplanned and congested and this can be attributed to the growth of Nandi Hills Town. Where you find kambi kosoiywa etc.The transformation of people values and outlook to life. Due to exposure in the urban areas people now came to appreciate western education and other modern values. Prostitution and other negative vices spread from the urban to rural areas.

Class formation and increased social differentiation among the Africans.

Regional differences in terms of economic and social development. Regional of Nyanza and western Kenya became labor export zones while areas in the Rift Valley and the emerging urban areas became labor import zones. Ironically, the labor export zones lost most of their economic resources as a result of the labor drain and have since remained relatively underdeveloped compared to the labor import zones.

Christian missionary activities destroyed African culture through the gospels of salvation, obedience, and work. Through western education, which they dominated, Christian missions preached against African cultures and indoctrinated their converts to see the pristine African traditions and cultures as satanic. Colonial education which was foisted on Africans fostered the emergence of quiescent and obedient elites. This process facilitated the installation of the colonialists’ surrogates as leaders in the post-colonial/post-independence African states (Ndege, 2009).

Led to rise of prostitution among the Nandi women of Nandi East Sub County, the earliest female participation in wage-earning was through prostitution in which women sold sexual rights to a ready market among European, Asian and a growing number of African townsmen. Predominant among early prostitutes were Nandi and Maasai, both pastoral tribes in which women had traditionally experienced a great deal of sexual freedom. By 1909 Nandi prostitutes were said to be ‘notorious from Mombasa to Kisumu’ (Stigand, 1913, pg 277), but a District Officer in 1913 implied a different assessment when he referred to them as ‘the most enlightened members of the tribe. (Nandi District, Annual Report, 1913) On European farms, Nandi women often formed semi-permanent relationships with male settlers acting as domestic servants and sometimes as ‘virtual farm managers’
Finally, the wage labor system also led to the exposure of the African people especially those in the urban areas to new ideas and this in time laid the foundation for the African nationalist struggle. In fact, the African nationalist movements were often began by the more educated, urban based African elite who were more conscious of their rights and were ready to engage in trade unions and other forms that were political in nature.
2.7 Post Colonial Policies and Its Implication On Social And Economic Of Nandi East Sub County 1960-19902.7.1. Post Resettlement
John W. Harbeson wrote:
“The British Government suddenly and unexpectedly announced in January 1960 that Kenya would be given immediately independence under an African Government. The political leaders of African and European were equally surprised and confounded by the decision. Africans were promised that they could get independence before they could even demand it through parties’ which had image of national political, since the bar on these had only just been lifted. On what other basis could African political leaders mobilize grass-roots support behind national parties which they had been reconstituted? They had some Resentment against the European farming enclave in the ‘White Highlands was one possible basis, but the British Government, were forced look at issues of land from Europeans, pre-empted this issue through the land resettlement programme.

“Land resettlement was promised by the British administration in return for the European settlers’ support of the choice to move out of Kenya towards independence. The guarantee mirrored the conviction of the Colonial Secretary, lain MacLeod that quick political change could happen without racial strife just if direct Europeans accomplished interracial comprehension and co-operation. In the period of land resettlement it empowered 5,000 experienced European agriculturalists, which had demonstrated their capacity and gathered a few saving funds, to buy and create subdivisions of European plantation with the monetary assistances from the Commonwealth Development Corporation and the World Bank, and the British Government. This purported ‘low-force plan’ was intended to allow African farmers to get $280 every year, after every administration expense and credit reimbursements. The political reason for this was one authority of the loaning organizations put it, was to ‘placed raisins in the cake’. The program was planned to incorporate the Highlands as per the multi-racial considering Europeans settlers while full filling two critical economic needs: developing past undeveloped region of the ‘White Highlands’, and reestablishing a market in land for the advantage of agriculturists of both races.”
According to a document of 1961 World Bank:
“The Governments of the Britain, the Imperial and colony of Kenya requested a Bank loan to help finance the settlement of Africans in the high potential lands of the enclosed Areas of Kenya highlands which previously had been reserved for White settlement. The sourced loan would be the Government sic of Kenya and the loan would be given by the Government of the Britain. (Enclosed Areas” was the so-called White Highlands of Kenya where only white settlers were allowed to settle during the Imperial period.)
In 1963 greater part of white settlers left Kenya however the Metropolis government gave financial assistance to pay back them for their farms and to make those farms accessible to Africans. The million acre of land settlement plan were embraced to accommodate the exchange of land to Africans. Almost 1/6th of the white good farms were partitioned up into portions for landless African household. Officially developed Africans small scale agriculturists could get bigger share, one 6th of bigger European homesteads were sold in whole to what turned into the educated African large scale farmers. The early year of Kenyan independence were overall great times for Kenya agribusiness. The 1960s and first 50% of 1970s saw the fast development of export markets. This was especially valid for tea development on small scale plantation.
After independence incredible greater part of the white settlers’ left Kenya and imperial farming in white highland step by step staled. The United Kingdom administration gave Fund to pay back the leaving pilgrims. Hence the most critical agribusiness occasion of the mid 1960s was the exchanged of blended expansive scale cultivating land in previous “white highland” to African small scale cultivators. The program did not engage the working class in development as land appropriation was uneven and not all landless individuals were allotted in settlement plot. The issue of landless and squatters remained a lasting element of Kenya’s farming scene and created poverty in which child labour as found ground to grow (Ochieng; 2000:88)
After the independent Kenya’s pioneer president Jomo Kenyatta, gave away land to individuals from his tribe and land kept on being the focal point of defilement (FIAN 2011: 17). The land corruption became an issue adding to poverty. 56 % are assessed to be living in total destitution and of those 53 % lives in rural farms. Lack of healthy sustenance which is basic and 10 million individuals are estimated to experience the ill effects of perpetual nourishment frailty because of lack of food. Just about 80 % of the populace relies on upon farming for their employment, which makes the unequal distribution of land and it has created some serious issues. This added to rising of employment of children since single families and poor families couldn’t be able to purchase land and to put food on table hence child labour assistance in income contribution to the family.
Ochieng (1985) 48 portrays the disappointment of Kenyans. He contends that in the earlier years, citizens had trusted that freedom would provide a move from the domain of necessity into the domain of opportunity and independence. Their vision was to have a law based socialist state. Kenyatta citing the Bible book of Exodus however said that individuals would not get „manna? like in the Israelites; he said that God had shut the entry ways of manna and in this way citizens needed to work for it. Ochieng infers that, doubtlessly God just shut entryways for less fortunate in the society. The rich took for themselves extensive track of land, the national economy and kept exploiting shabby work of the poor to advance themselves similarly the colonizers had and also took advantage of cheap child labour than the adult labour which was cheap, hence advance the growth of child labour.
Under British government in1895 and a Crown Colony in 1920 Kenya became an independent member of the Commonwealth in December 1963 and a republic in 1964. The documents on this release subject the continuing involvement of the UK in financing the purchase and transfer of land from farms held by Europeans farmers to Africans. Those documents date from independence in 1963 through to Nineteen Seventies. They include files of the 1964 Stamp assignment to Kenya to recommend on the in addition switch of white settler-owned farms, land buy and switch coverage topics extra generally, details of particular schemes (e.g. the Million-acre Scheme), the work of the rural development enterprise and different subjects associated with land switch. A few of the documents deal with the continuing land switch in the 1970s. They consist of over seven-hundred individual case files which may be searched on the online catalogue by means of the name of the previous owner and the location, registers of farms and working papers via district.

2.7.2. The dominance of MNCs in cash crops and food production.
The strength of MNCs in farming created dominance over the small scale holders’ productions. Agribusiness firms required in tea products for example Nandi tea estate and E.P.K and so on added to underdevelopment of working class and peasantry through exploitative land capital and labour amassing.
Nyong’o (1998) emphatically says that state growth needs politically strong nationalistic domestic entrepreneur citizens. Shockingly, for instance in Kenya, the producers or the industrialist are either the MNC auxiliaries with worldwide interests that frequently conflicts with the national needs to develop domestic technology limit, Asian entrepreneurs agents without political clout to stop the imports that lie idle in domestic factories. The auxiliary change of the world economy through disguise of huge business organizations has turned into a genuine danger to the monetary terms, to the financial and additionally political autonomy of the country state. In Kenya for instance, regardless of different types of mediations and economic approaches the nation keeps on performing ineffectively. This keeps on being regardless of the long administration of MNCs.
The farming was an expected to develop at a rate of 10 % every year until 2030 when Kenya should be an industrialized center economy. Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) has in this manner got to be one of the techniques for the Kenyan government strategy of building the economy. The financial specialists needed to demonstrate that it will add to expanding work; new strategies and those will pay tax charges. While social, financial and ecological ramifications in the domestic communities were not looked into (Makutsa 2010: 5-6). Thus, they then contracted the kids to benefit on modest work and amplified their benefit since; they are cheap and readily available.
Kid wages and employment increment with remote interest of foreign demand for export merchandise, for example, farming equipments, rugs, and soccer balls. Also, it contended that foreign investors may search out business sectors with low wages at large and particularly those with a plenitude of low-wage kid laborers. Trade may likewise expand the frequency of child work by modifying wages to unskilled specialists. Youngster work is most basic in nation’s unskilled work. Trade openness will offer up demand for wages for unskilled work and in this manner bring down the advantages of schooling. Guardians may react by raising child labour and diminishing schooling interests in their kids, since work becomes more profit than schooling.

Economic dependency continued to be a major challenge of the independent state with the continued presence of the MNCs in the manufacturing and large scale farming; control of the local currencies; continued reliance on foreign aid, all prevented East African countries from exercising freedom in choosing their own path for economic development.
2.7.3 Liberalization approaches on agricultural sector
Liberalization of prices of tea has driven upward pattern affecting adversely less fortunate people in the society and other defenseless groups in the society. Importation of tea has affected domestic production. The progression of dissemination and promoting of both products and input has made more issues in farming growth and yields as cartels assume control over the conveyance channels and markets, hence exploiting the rural farmers of tea.
Kruger (2004, 2006) watched that in mid-1990s growth boom in coffee costs raise the market labour among particularly poor family units in Nicaragua and Brazil. Youngsters seem to have been pulled out from school to exploit transitory business openings made by the coffee price boom. The negative effect on kids and human capital formation, however, it restricted children from going to school temporary.
African economy was deliberately packaged to rely on Europe. Most African states were made to embrace the production of goods/commodities. Industries were not established in the colonies to process these commodities rather, rail stations were built from the interior to facilitate the exportation of the primary goods to Europe to help their industries. The finished product will then be shipped back to Africa at an exorbitant price. In essence, both the colonial and post-colonial economies were characterized by two major forms of disarticulation: geographical and structural (Ake, 1980). The first refers to enclave development, which is the concentration of development activities in a few urban areas. Structural disarticulation refers to the development of a limited range of activities that are largely centered on agriculture with a very limited range of secondary industries. This ostensibly confirmed the submission that African economy is submerged to Europe, America and Asia.

2.7.4 Structural Adjustments Programs. SAPs
SAPs were creating in Africa nations in the 1980s-1990s by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) as a condition for the conceding of credits or the rebuilding of existing obligation to the state. The approach changes comprised of expanding fares to energize remote venture and privatizing open organizations and administrations, among other market-arranged alterations. There were likewise wellbeing parts as SAPs tried to lower high population rates in creating nations through populace control approaches, for example, family arranging.
As per the Ministry of Education report, the enrolment and finishing of school rate of youngsters in primary school adds to this phenomenon of child labour. It is critical to note at this point, the children joining into primary schools has reduce by 19.1% because of the development of poverty and the unfriendly impacts of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPS) since the eighties. The introduction of cost sharing in education reduced access to schooling for poor people children (Ministry of Education 2001). Hence it encourages the growth of child employment, since it was cheap for a child to be employed than going to school.
In the particular instance of Kenya, social and monetary conditions were not extremely helpful for critical fertility decay. At the same time, numerous families were depending on kid work in agribusiness labour. This is identified with privatization and the support of cash crops agribusiness, which prompted the best land being enlisted by partnerships and a moderately couple of rich agriculturists (Hartmann 84). This minimized the smallholders and further expanded dependence on kid/family work. This privatization of land and export situated farming is profoundly associated with impacts of SAPs since it was in SAPs’ teaching to support privatization of organizations and landholding and thus led to development of export production of cash crop for example tea. This also encouraged the growth of child employment since it was cheap, hence the entrepreneurs could get more profit.
A package prepared by IMF which was presented to the economic problem experienced in the developing countries. From 1990s, the IMF and World Bank demanded that the state play a lesser rule in economic and financial matters of the state. They encouraged states to withdraw from various entrepreneurs and focus on core bureaucratic activities. The state was to divest of service provision enterprise and instead focus on creating an enabling environment for investors. The withdrawal of the state led to repercussions.
The withdrawal of the state led to increased impoverishment of low income groups. As a result of this, there were massive shortages in provision of services and scarcities from each other. There was therefore lack of understanding differently in their countries which were diverse governance, cultures, religion, and environment.

National assets were sold out to large scale investors or entrepreneurs. Critics argued that this was a form of re-colonization because most of the assets ended up with foreigners or western companies and former colonial powers. Privatization made developing countries vulnerable because they could no longer control strategic restriction, restructuring in which many people lost their jobs leading to unemployment and vulnerability. Because of heavy borrowing to service the corporations before they were privatized, many developed countries incurred heavy debts which embarrassed them. Many of them became vulnerable because strategic sectors were put in foreign hands. They were not capable to build a strong industrial base because of profit repatriation.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 introduction
This part showed the research methodologies which was utilized as a part of the study. It also incorporated the limitation of the study and additionally the moral or ethical issues. Similar analysis was utilized to depict and dissect impact of colonial tea plantation economy on social and economic of Nandi East Sub County. This section likewise portrayed the different criteria and systems that were used as a part of gathering and disseminating down information for the study. In view of the point of this analysis, which is to look at impact colonial tea plantation economy on social and economics of Nandi East Sub County, the nature of the research fell under the qualitative design.
3.1 The study area
Nandi East Sub County is an urban and rural settlement in Nandi County, Kenya, furthermore it is a constituency. Towns in Nandi county Kenya are Mosoriot, Kapsabet and Nandi Hills. The name likewise alludes to the general territory of Nandi County, where the urban and rural settlements are found. Nandi East Sub County is situated in a good country territory of lavish green moving slopes at the edge of the Great Rift Valley in the southwestern piece of Kenya. It is found around 303 kilometers (188 mi), by road, northwest of Nairobi, the capital and biggest city in Kenya. Nandi East Sub County location, Kenya is: 0°06’01.0″N, 35°10’35.0″E (Latitude: 0.100278; Longitude: 35.176389). Nandi Hills lays a height of roughly 2,047 meters (6,716 ft), above ocean level. The economy of Nandi East Sub County depends primarily on encompassing tea domains. Many individuals chip away of living at tea farms as pluckers, managerial and field upkeep, processing plant benefit works, official obligations and business. Nandi East Sub County is scarcely tarmac area roads in spite of taxes gathered majorly from tea plantation.
3.2 Research Design
This study was guided by an ethnographic study design with ethnographic observations, interviews and a cross-sectional survey. One of the major benefits of ethnographic research is the data that is generated and its ability to expand lines of enquiry into new areas.

3.3. Target population.
A populace is the entire group of individuals, objects or events having same clear elements. A target populace is the populace to which a researcher needs to take a wide perspective of the consequences of a study (Coolican, 2013). Kasomo (2006) depicts the target populace as the total of all cases that adjust to assigned arrangements of particulars to which the study summed up the outcomes. The target populace will make out of all educators, government officials, officials of koitalel museum and families in Nandi East Sub County.

3.4 Data Collection InstrumentsInformation gathering utilized document analysis, focus group discussion and questionnaire A questionnaires favored in light of the fact that it grants accumulation of information from a large populace (Ogula, 2011). A document analysis was utilized to show repetition caused by long working hours hence they do not get time to do their home work and dropout rate rates in education to validate students, head teacher and teacher answers (Mugenda ;Mugenda 2003).
3.4.1 Questionnaire
A survey with both open and closed ended questions framed the significant instrument of information gathering in this study. A number of the open and closed-questions was developed in light of a Likert scale reaction framework offering five option reactions. This Likert scale was utilized all of the time as a part of an endeavor to get information on respondents’ recognitions, perspectives and assessment class reiteration and students’ self regard. The five-point Likert utilized as a part of the present study was spoken to by the accompanying terms; unequivocally Agree (5), Agree (4), Undecided (3), Disagree (2) firmly Disagree (1).
3.4.2 Documents Analysis
The archive material that was delivered will go about as auxiliary research material. It will include primary and secondary data.

3.5 Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments3.5.1 Validity test
As indicated by Patton (2002), validity is how much a test or an instrument measures the item under study. In this study, validity is interpreted as meaning the degree to which the instruments cover the questions of research. To decide the substance validity of the instruments, panel judgmental board from the ministry of Education, the college and university was counseled for guidance. Exhortation given by these specialists helped the researcher to decide the validity of the examination instruments. These were utilized as a part of rolling out important improvements. To enhance the validity of the instruments the analyst utilized methodological triangulation where three distinct instruments of information accumulation were utilized that is interview guide, document analysis and a questionnaire. Triangulation is the utilization of various data accumulation gadgets, data sources, data analysis and use of different hypothesis to set up the validity of the results. For testing face validity of the information accumulation instruments, partners was counseled.
3.5.2 Reliability Test
Kerlinger (1978) portrays unwavering quality as the exactness or accuracy of a measuring instrument. The questionnaires was planned deliberately to guarantee no equivocalness and that all respondents comprehend and react to all issues in the same path not surprisingly to the researcher. A pilot test was led in a neighboring district on a populace like the target populace. Pilot testing evaluated the clarity of the instrument so that those observed to be insufficient was either disposed of or changed. Any extra notes were used to enhance the quality and validity of the instruments. The examination instrument was controlled to a similar pilot aggregate twice following an interim of two weeks and the outcomes looked at. Split half method was utilized to decide an unwavering index through Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation coefficients was utilized. If reliability estimation is over 0.80, then reliability index of 0.80 is viewed as perfect for the study. Also adjustment was done if reliability coefficient is figured it out to be below (Mugenda 2003).
3.6 Data collection proceduresThe researcher gathered information from the chosen respondents, after getting consent from the Ministry of Education through National Council of Sciences and Technology, the County Education Office and Catholic University Eastern Africa to complete the research in the chosen region of study. The researcher actually visited schools, homesteads and tea estates. In the visit the analyst advised the respondents about the motivation behind the planned study and book appointments for the information accumulation. After acclimation, information then is gathered from the respondents utilizing the previously mentioned instruments. The researcher will again convey the gather the information and the completed instruments was confirmed and gathered from the respondents in a time of ten days from the day of their appropriation. Interview schedules; likewise was utilized to gather information from the school heads.
3.7 Ethical issues
Consent for the research was sought from the area chief, zonal and sub-county Education officers and from the members who took an interest in the study. This was done through letters which was written to officers in charge, estate administrators and school heads. The nature and the reason for the research were disclosed to the respondents. The researcher likewise painstakingly regards the people’s rights to protect their own trustworthiness and confidentiality. During information accumulation, the respondents were allowed to pull back from the study in an event they so wish. The respondents will likewise be guaranteed of secrecy and privacy. No names or individual recognizable proof numbers was on the surveys questions a part from the numbering for questionnaires, which is done for identification of information data for data editing.

CHAPTER FOUR PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
4.1 Ethnic Conflicts in Nandi East Sub-CountyOne of the causes of the clashes in Kenya and especially in Nandi East Sub-County is attributed to the colonial legacy, which is historical but with ramifications in the post-independence era in Nandi East Sub-County. It is a historically true that the indirect rule used by the British to rule, later came out to be the divide and rule method, polarized the various tribes in Kenya and especially in Nandi East Sub-County. This contributed to the incompatibility of these ethnic groups as actors on one nation-state called Kenya. The scramble for the scarce resources intensified and tribalism became the main vehicle through which the preservation and dominance of power as well as resources could be achieved in Nandi East Sub-County and Kenya as a whole.

Although mystery still surrounds the root causes of the clashes in Nandi East Sub-county, one fact that is clear from numerous reports newspaper articles, press statements and other documents is that ethnic labour mistrust played a crucial role in fueling these clashes. Indeed, such of what has been written or pronounced in the fore mentioned literature implicates the other ethnic who are seen as if they have taken their resources since most of the employees in large scale tea plantation are of non-kalenjin (Task Force report of NCCK 1992, Daily Nation March, 11, 29, 31st 1992. The cursed arrow, April 1992, Kiliku parliamentary Report, 1992; Human Rights Watch, November, 1993; Murungi Report, 1995; Nyukuri, 1996 etc).

This has negative social consequences on the people of Nandi East Sub-County, which are enormous and cannot be easily quantified, especially the psycho-social ones. Most of the victims of these clashes are left homeless, landless, destitute, injured, dead, abused, to mention but a few of the atrocities resulting from the menace. The immediate and real consequence of the clashes in Nandi East Sub-County was felt most at personal and family level. There is loss of security as the Nandi took the law into their own hands, targeting perceived enemies (communities who are perceived to have come to take away employment opportunities). As a result of insecurity, there was indiscriminate loss of human life. Many people sustained physical injuries and others were traumatized. The state of insecurity interfered with the day-to-day social and economic undertakings within the Nandi East Sub-County. There was loss of life among the Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Luhya, Luo, Kisii and others. Moreover, there is clear evidence to show that although the loss affected the Kalenjins of either side of the conflict while the non-Kalenjin ethnic groups suffered most.

The clashes in Nandi East Sub-County exemplified the potential and real consequences of conflict on inter-ethnic marriage, family and social life. According to the field information collected in different parts of the clashes stricken areas, there were cases of breakdown of marriage and family life. Currently, inter-ethnic marriage between the Luhya and the Kalenjin, Kalenjin and Kikuyu, Kalenjin and Luo is viewed with fear and suspicion. This was one of the immediate social consequences of the clashes which have also created prejudice, mistrust and psychological trauma characterized by mental suffering and general apathy, among the ethnic groups in Nandi East Sub-County. This contradicts the view that the conflicting ethnic communities in Nandi East Sub-County have co-existed and inter-married for several decades in Nandi East Sub-County.

In the Nandi East Sub-County within the study areas, there was a mass exodus of non-Kalenjin teachers and tea estates employees who feared for their lives while teaching in the hostile areas. Since then, many schools have had to do without the services of experienced teaching staff and the effect of this problem on the performance of examination classes was very serious the clashes prevented some of the primary and secondary school graduates from continuing with higher education and training because of financial constraints caused by the menace. Apart from the pupils losing their text and exercise books and uniforms, they often went hungry and often fell sick because of food insecurity and poor living conditions in the makeshift camps and schools. The affected schools were Kosoiywa, Siret, kaplelmet and Savani both primary and secondary school.

4.2 Sexual harassment
Sexual harassment was one of the violations that were predominately highlighted by all the workers interviewed from Tea Estates. A former worker from one of the Estates noted that a female worker can be told by the (the supervisors are commonly referred to using this term) to remain behind in the just plucked section, if the woman refuses to obey the directive, looks for any excuse to get the woman fired. Potential employees at Estates and factories are mandated to take a medical test before they are employed; this was attested by all workers that were interviewed. A male worker from Chemwomi noted that before he was employed he underwent a medical examination where he was asked to remove all his clothes for a physical examination; this is humiliation for Nandi men. From the one the interview referred this to colonial legacy.

4.3 Lack of Unity by Nandi PeopleNandi are the people who seem so vulnerable to internal segregation. We are easily divided by politics, propaganda and rumors that risk their unity and communal prosperity. These differences therefore have crippled development and agreement meant to expand our territories as a community. This can be traced to colonial policies of divide and rule.
4.4 ProstitutionsThe earliest female participation in wage-earning was through prostitution in which women sold sexual rights to a ready market among European, Asian and a growing number of African townsmen. Predominant among early prostitutes were Nandi and Maasai, both pastoral tribes in which women had traditionally experienced a great deal of sexual freedom.

By 1909 Nandi prostitutes were said to be ‘notorious from Mombasa to Kisumu’ (Stigand, 1913, pg 277), but a District Officer in 1913 implied a different assessment when he referred to them as ‘the most enlightened members of the tribe. (Nandi District, Annual Report, 1913) On European farms, Nandi women often formed semi-permanent relationships with male settlers acting as domestic servants and sometimes as ‘virtual farm managers’. It is seen by the number of business in Malindi and Mombasa own by some of the women who were single from Nandi East Sub-County.

From the study I found out that there are high numbers of prostitution in Nandi East Sub-County, especially in Nandi hills town when bonus are out. This can be seen by many number of alcohol tents in the Town. In one of the street of the town there are 10 alcohol tents with a number of females in the tents.

4.5 Language
The adoptions of the language of the colonial masters by the colonies have fostered unity to an extent in most ethnic, multicultural and multilingual nations which were colonized. A clear example is seen in Kenya which has forty three languages. Since no language is considered superior to the other, it would be difficult for any of the native languages to be made the national as well as official language. The adoption of English language has made things easier for residents of Nandi East Sub-County and Kenya at large as the language is foreign and does not belong to any particular ethnic group or people in the country, hence easy of communication since there are different ethnic groups.

4.6 EducationThe developments in education have provided opportunities for competition in different areas for example mathematics, art, literature and science. This is evident in Nandi East Sub-County with people like Jean Marie Seronei, Kipnyango Seronei and many others. Also growth of Education through building of schools like Kosoiywa, Kaplelmet, Siret, Kabuti, KTGA, Savani, Taboyat and others by the Tea estates. This has led to increase in the enrollment of primary and secondary.

4.7 ReligionColonialism has helped to spread religion especially the Christian religion. The European missionaries brought Christianity and taught religion in their colonies. In the process of learning the religion the colonialist made the people of their colonies to acquire new skills for example masonry and carpentry. This brought about a development in the people as they were being liberated from the illiteracy which had kept them in the dark for many years, this is seen through establishment of churches and schools within Nandi East Sub-County. The advent of the Christian religion brought many changes to the colonies. For example, in Nandi East Sub-County, Christianity helped stop the early marriages of girls and Female circumcision as the religion preached equality and promoted education for all.

4.8 Loss and destruction of cultureColonialism contributed largely to the deterioration of cultural norms and values. First of all the native languages of the communities in Nandi East Sub-County were made inferior to the languages of the colonial masters. The mode of dressing of the people changed. Natives of the Nandi East Sub-County started to dress and speak like the colonial masters as they were made to believe that their colonial masters were superior human beings. Natives of the Nandi East Sub-County lost some aspects of their culture and they were made second class citizens in their own land. The Africans also started putting less emphasis on their traditions due to the changes which were forced in their lives.

4.9 Risk of diseaseThe colonial masters brought with them some diseases which were not known by the people of the Nandi East Sub-County. The British had communicable diseases which some Africans contracted, for instances some African women were forced while others gave their consent. They were infected with sexually transmitted diseases which they later spread to their fellow Africans. The British contracted some diseases like malaria, typhoid, chicken pox and small pox from the Africans, due to the change of environment. These of diseases were fatal during the colonial period, unlike currently.

4.10 Liberalization of Nandi East Sub-CountyAccording to Chumba (2004), liberalization entails the removal of rules which governments have traditionally put in place to regulate the activities of state owned firms. He further argued that liberalization was commonly known as the free trade agenda, which sounds reasonable on its own. Most of the definitions used to explain portrayed the omission of restrictions, barriers and obstacles to free trade as a positive trend. Drucker, (2006), argues that liberalization could be compared to putting a flyweight in the ring with a professional boxer (the multinational corporations MNC) and then taking away the gloves. The results often leave the weaker opponent devastated. The removal of regulations governing the activities of the strong multinationals exposes weak domestic industries to abuse and exploitation in the hands of the multinationals. Though seen as the common trend in modern days, liberalization renders the local people jobless. In the name of liberalization, Kenyan institutions have instead been broken up as foreign players enter into the scene to compete with each other. Mostly, they employed their own and sacked Africans who occupied technical positions in firms, reiterated a Kenyan news columnist (Baumann, 2004).

Mukras (2004) argues that the common result of liberalization is the destruction of local industries as the local industries find it impossible to compete in markets that are flooded with cheap imports. In addition the government intention is to nurture these industries by stick on the international economic policies of non-protectionism which makes the local industry which are the small-scale tea industry as one of the greatest success stories in the Kenyan agriculture sector. It is the leading foreign exchange earner accounting for about twenty per cent (20%) of the total agricultural export earnings in Kenya (Drucker, 2006). The crop also contributes immensely towards employment directly to farm owners and workers on farms and to industry and service sectors as Drucker further argue. The tea contributes about 60% of the total tea produce in Kenya; the remaining comes from the large tea plantation estates.

Tea production in Nandi East Sub-County is carried out in small and large scale (estate) farms. The smallholder tea production, processing and marketing through in partnership with estates, was until 1997 subject to government controls. The management was enforced by the Kenya Tea Development Authority (KTDA) which was started through the agricultural Act, Cap 318 as a parastatal and given the power to control the small scale tea sub-sector in Kenya (Drucker, 2006). The Tea Act (Cap. 343) laws of Kenya, empowers KTDA to manage over the provision of growing inputs and extension services to the small-scale tea farmers and services of collection and processing, management of the factories and marketing. KTDA organized the sale of the processed tea through its contracted agents at Mombasa and London auctions, received the sale proceeds and arranged the payments to farmers on a monthly basis. KTDA did all these tasks through its various divisions and departments at the headquarters in Nairobi.

The removal of regulations governing the activities of the strong multinationals exposes weak domestic industries to abuse and exploitation in the hands of the multinationals. Though seen as the common trend currently, liberalization makes the locals jobless. In the name of liberalization, Nandi East Sub-County institutions have instead been broken up as foreign players enter into the scene to compete with each other. Mostly, employ their own people and sacked the local employees who were occupying the top managerial positions in the firms, reiterated a Kenyan news columnist (Baumann, 2004). Most of the top managers in EPK are Europeans.

Liberalization had exposed the smallholder factory companies to stiff competition that has emerged from new entrants into the tea growing business. Most of these new competitors were from neighboring countries such as Rwanda, Burundi and Malawi. Further competition had also been felt from some of the traditional consuming countries such as Pakistan in the Middle East. Stiff competition resulted to factory management and Estates efficiency unlike before. Staff rationalization became one of the major impacts of liberalization in this sector. From the research I found out that a majority of the factory companies and tea estates employed similar strategies in their operations. Cost cutting strategies came out as the single most popular strategies adopted across factories to achieve improved effectiveness in management. This led to massive loss of jobs in Nandi East Sub-County.

It also led to housing problem, there are one roomed round houses and two roomed houses that are predominately rectangular. Allocation of houses is done by the ‘village elders’ who allocate the houses depending on marital status, employment status and in some cases in exchange of sexual favours. Casual labourers at the tea plantation estates have problem of congestion since they are usually allocated one roomed house which they have to share with other casual labourers. The workers interviewed noted that in the past housing was not a major problem because each person was allocated their own house. However the situation at present is that sharing of houses is especially common and the situation becomes bleak when the production of tea is high and casual labourers are employed.

4.11 Irregular InfrastructureStreets construction, power and water across Nandi Hills town lack a regular and definite design and dimensions. Streets are not tarmacked even as the county government promised to. Power and Water supply network is slow and this is clearly evident by rental and business rooms in and outside town that lacks them. Irony it is that Mogoiywet, Kaplelmet, keteng, Savani, Kipkimba and Chebarus villages supply the town and the tea estates with quality bricks but still under developed and without significant expansion.
4.12 Corruption
This is the worst disease that kills every nation in the world. Some corrupt officials who work in higher offices of different institutions are influenced by bribes from moguls that want to have their way and their say accepted regardless of truth. In this event, weak or poor people in the community are exploited and do not see justice of the day. As a result, people give up and decide to change plans of creating wealth farming becoming the best option. It was created when colonial administration transformed Nandi East Sub-County into monetization economy hence every service provided was also monetize hence the growth of corruption cases among the community, unlike the tradition of the community where they believe on mutualism hence service were provided free to benefit the community but not individual. In 2018, three county official committed suicide because of corruption related.
4.13 Change of women role in labourThere is in fact a good deal of more direct” evidence that this” was the case. For the main tribes supplying labour and crops, the division of labour in the rural economy had by the end of the colonial period shifted in the direction of women doing more ‘men’s work’. Wagner reports for the Luhya in the 1930s that in families where the increasing demand for a cash income is met by a more intense cultivation of the soil for the production of commercial crops, the female members of the household often have to bear the brunt of the extra work while the men go comparatively idle.’ (1939, pp. 33-34).

The first three decades of colonial rule brought a great increase in the total productive effort expended by Africans The absence of any substantial change in African agricultural technology or organization in this period, coupled with the high level of male absenteeism, points to the conclusion that the bulk of the increased agricultural labour fell to the women.

Moreover, at the same time that this massive amount of labour was being withdrawn from the tribal economies, an impressive increase was taking place in African agricultural production for domestic and foreign markets. Since Africans were not completely deprived of their land, cash crop production remained a viable option, even though it could never fully compete with settler agriculture.

In earlier days, however, Nandi men had refused to cut roads for the administration, since this mainly involved removing topsoil and was similar to agricultural work. Hence Nandi women had to be hire to do neither would the Nandi carry loads for the government for this too was women’s work. (p. 35) The change in men’s work did not necessarily mean less work for women however, for Huntingford suggested that by the mid-1920s grain shortages were one reason why Nandi women turned to prostitution and other forms of wage-earning, (p.65; see also Gold, 1974.

From the observation most of the workers in tea estates and individual tea plantation are done by women. From the finding out of 10 employees 3 are men while 7 are women. Also most of the men working are non kalenjin since Nandi men sees plucking of tea are women.

4.14 Introduction of Cash Economy
The colonial economy did provide Nandi East Sub-County African farmers some opportunities for earning money. These new jobs were to be found in non-agricultural labor in industries, services, and bureaucracies in the towns, as paid labor on European farms and in the production of cash crops such as food crops and wattle. Wattle is a tree that is a native of Australia. Its bark produces valuable chemical called tannin that is used in the processing of animal skins in the leather industry. Under colonial rule the Africans soon found that they needed to earn cash to pay taxes, to pay school fees, and to purchase consumer goods such as clothing.

For rural farmers the opportunities for earning cash income were greater from crop production than from cattle. In a reversal of Kenyan traditional values, cattle became less valuable than certain crops. The viability of cattle rising was further reduced by restrictions on grazing land due to European settlement and the expansion of land put under crops rather than pasture. This process accelerated as the population increased, resulting in a scarcity of grazing land. As a result, people in the less arid African reserves saw the importance of cattle raising decline. This was for two reasons: restrictions on pasture and as a drop in the economic value of cattle. Similar changes took place in the value of the land on which these activities took place.

From the finding in the field, the size given to tea growing in Nandi East Sub-County is 70%, while maize account for 15%, cattle 10% and for other use is 5%. From this it shows how colonial economy impacted the economy to monetization of Agriculture. This can be supported by presence of many Banks in Nandi Hills even though it is a small town.

4.15 Modernization and technological advancement:
Colonialism brought modernization to underdeveloped areas in Nandi East Sub-County. Advanced technological equipment and facilities necessary for improvements in medical and healthcare services, agriculture and other developments in transportation, modern education etc. have helped in the development of the colonies to what they are today. These developments have improved the status of the Nandi East Sub-County.
4.16 Poverty
At times I do not want to blame the community for this menace because one may say its laziness. Think about thousands of lands that were grabbed from the Nandi People by British settlers (who also killed our leader Samoei) to make the current tea farms and industries… How about cattle Nandi’s primary source of wealth, that they confiscated and evict Nandi and forced them into peanut labour? This was the genesis of poverty in Nandi Communities, communities that were deceived that their lands were leased to multinational tea industries for 99 years and later 999 after which lands have not been given back.
The Sub-County also has the highest proportions of the poor with corresponding counts of 59% and 57%. Under-utilization and inequitable distribution of resources, high cost of farm inputs, poor and inadequate education, unemployment (8.8%), lack of ownership of projects, poor infrastructure and culture, and inaccessibility to credit are the major causes of poverty in the Sub-County. Oblivious of the risks and uncertainties imminent in tea subsector, farmers continue to increase land size on tea production at the cost of food production.

The families, in Nandi East Sub-County, get about 50% of their incomes from cultivating cash crops with tea contributing over 70% of the total family’s income. Families’ food entitlement in this Sub-County is therefore trade base. Attainment of household’s food access, consequently, is highly constrained, through demand side, by household’s incomes earned from tea. Tea also competes with maize and cattle for farm resources. The households’ purchasing power have been eroded by relatively static and low tea prices in international market over time, coupled with increasing food prices and input costs. In the last years, international export market prices of tea have been fluctuating putting families’ food access in Nandi East Sub County at danger. Since the family livelihoods are integrated to both national and international markets, inflation rates and other macroeconomic shocks significantly effects on families’ earnings. Furthermore food security is not guaranteed by any increased cultivation of cash crop. Tea growing is also affected by weather. During dry periods low output of tea leaves together with high food prices squeezes the household purchasing power.

4.17 Land in Nandi East Sub-CountyIn contemporary Kenya inequality in access to land, economic opportunity, and political power are the dominant issues behind the country’s politics. The issues grew out of the colonial era when European settlers took control of large areas of productive land in the Central Highlands and the Rift Valley. This completely altered the land use systems and way of life of the farmers and herders. This is because the colonial government introduced land title deeds in some communities, which allowed farmers to be individual owners of land. As a result, private property began to replace the traditional communal land ownership system. Also, the colonial policy changed the economic structure so that land replaced cattle as the customary measure of wealth, security, and status. As the demand for land rose, the availability of highly productive farmland was reduced by colonial settlement.

Land use patterns in Kenya before the arrival of Europeans were the result of several closely interwoven ways of making a living from the land, the lakes, and the sea. Small populations of farmers, pastoralists, and hunter-gatherers occupied lands over which they had control. Land was abundant and people lived uncrowded lives. Trade, raiding of other people’s animals and shared uses of land meant a lot of give-and-take between different African groups.

The colonial period brought new European-style political, social and economic policies, which completely altered the African pattern of land use and set in motion competition for land, which continues in Kenya today. These innovations included the taking of land for European settlement and the creation of the Native Reserves; the promotion of crops as better than livestock in an increasingly cash economy; the increase in the number of jobs for pay; and the introduction of medical care which has altered population patterns. Nandi East Sub-County’s land tenure system before the coming of British fundamentally differed from that in feudal England where law was brought from (Smokin, 2000). Land tenure in the pre-colonial period was what may be referred to as “communal tenure”, where land belonged to no particular individual but to the community (clan, ethnic group) as a whole.

Private land tenure on the other hand is a system of ownership where an individual gets title to land thus secluding all and sundry from access and use of the same land. The private ownership of land as it is in Kenya and in Nandi East Sub-County today was crafted in the Swynerton plan of 1954 (Sorrenson, 1967). This plan sought to change the system of land tenure through land consolidation and registration of individual’s freeholds and improve on commodity production in the reserves, making the land to be commodity which had money value and individualism.
Before the British colonial system was established, intermarriage was common in Kenya and yet they fought over territory and raided each other for cattle, crops and captives. While they controlled core areas the borders were in flux. The arrival of the British and their allocation of land altered the situation dramatically. The major groups were assigned territory within which they were encouraged to remain. Each area came to be closely associated with the group living there.

The impact was creation of squatters and rise of slums in places like Kambi Kosoiywa. The squatter problem began in 1915 when the colonialists introduced Crown Lands Ordinance. This made them acquire legal security over land. As a result there developed unrest from the Africans and to solve the problem the colonial office appointed the Carter Land Commission, which in its recommendations provided that native reserves were established which were to remain exclusively Africans and that there were going to be no further encroachments. The Africans were to be also granted leasehold. This developments meant that a people that one’s had ownership in land had been translated in to mere possessors. The squatter problem has affected the human resource in separate ways. For example the state of hopelessness that hovers among squatters, does not allow them to get good education, good housing and the returns of their labor are too poor. This is due to the uncertainty of their title to land. The study also recognizes that landlessness is caused by a mosaic of factors. They include maternal parenting, displacement through tribal clashes, wife inheritance, due legal process and willful sale of land. This can be seen that the former mp of Tindiret Hon Henry Koskey, Sarah Boit and others leaders own half of the land in Nandi East Sub-County.

Sale of family land by the head of the house without due consultation within the family, was also found to highly contribute to landlessness in Kenya. The study showed that most people had become landless because land was sold without consultation within the family. This relates to out dated land laws because at the initialization of private land tenure, land was turned into property, which gives the holder of the title all rights to do whatever he wills with it.

The study also showed that land sold to pay due legal debts had also made so many landless. This is where land was sold as the only family property to meet family bills like hospital bills and school fees. Maternal parenting was another cause of landlessness as was indicated by the study. Most people were because they came from single parent families headed by a mother. The issue of tying land to a patriarchal hereditary hierarchy leaves persons from other forms of families highly susceptible to being landless. The study also revealed that people also lost their land due to intertribal land clashes. Unresolved issues have sedimented hostilities which often burst out into tribal land and resources clashes. These leaves many land owners completely disinherited and landless, thus squatting in other peoples land.

Colonialism also brought about the expansion of land for their colonies. Before colonialism, there was no region known as Nandi or Uasin Gishu. There were towns and villages, which were more or less restricted to their areas, surviving on their own. The coming of colonial masters expanded the land for all ethnic groups, towns and villages in Kenya. Members of any ethnic group can now move to and live in any part of the country and call the place home.
The effects of the British practices on land and the subsequent land injustices in Nandi East Sub-County Kenya had detrimental consequences on the indigenous communities during and after the period under colonialism. They led to the permanent displacement of entire Nandi community and disruption of socio-cultural and economic life. The practices created arbitrary ethnic specific boundaries (the native reserves). This generated a notion of exclusivity of land rights by the Nandi community. The Nandi community viewed other communities owning land in Nandi East Sub-County as ‘foreigners’. The British colonialists were the originators of the land grabbing practice in Kenya and particularly in Nandi East Sub-County. For example, the Arabs grabbed the 10-mile Coastal Strip. The British grabbed the 20% arable land for their own settlers in Nandi East Sub-County. These practices exposed entire families and succeeding generations to landlessness.

These land practices and subsequent land injustices in Kenya and particularly in Nandi East Sub-County, also promoted inequality in land and related rights. They caused poverty and destitution and barred Africans from owning land in the ‘white’ highlands, which was taken by people like Henry Kosgei, Sarah Boit, Mark Too and other prominent people. They also created a system of land tenure based on alien principles of English property law, while largely neglecting the regime of indigenous customary property law (for example, title deeds over indigenous land inheritance practices).

The practices generated discrimination in access to land and related infrastructure and social amenities. They promoted ethnic suspicion, mistrust, tension and structured violent conflicts in tea plantations and Estates still felt today. Their poor environmental practices also led to the decline of forestland from 30 per cent in the 1890s to a mere 3 percent by 1960.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how as a country we arrived at this point. “The past is not past.” The history of colonial injustice in this country need not be explained. But there is need to remember that so many of the disparities that exist in the Kenyan communities today, especially on matters touching land, can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under brutal legacy of colonialism and out dated land laws.
The legacy of squatters is real and must be addressed, by investing in schools, communities; by enforcing our constitutional laws and ensuring equity in our land laws and a just system, by providing the squatters with ladders of opportunity that have not been availed for previous generations. Investing in the squatters and their children will ultimately contribute greatly to all Kenya, especially in the achievement of the vision 2030 and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGS).
Legalized landlessness, where squatters are prevented often through law, from owning property, access to loans and mortgages, means that squatters cannot amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. History explains the wealth and income gap between the landless and those with land and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in many of today’s rural communities, where the squatters belong.
The path to solving their problem means embracing the burdens of the past without becoming victims of the same past. Laws, policies and programmes must be put in place that continues to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of Kenyans life. It means binding the squatters’ particular grievances that is; being settled, better health care and social amenities, better education and better jobs – to the squatters.

Out dated land laws and policies must be reviewed. A re-engineered high breed of the old African customary land law where land was owned communally and the current statutory law on land where there is individual ownership should be adopted as a way of obtaining a check on landlessness in Kenya. According to the new constitution, landing Kenya is supposed to be held, used and managed in a manner that is equitable, efficient, productive and sustainable through equitable access to land, security of land rights, elimination of gender discrimination and encouragement of communities to settle land disputes (The Constitution of Kenya, 2010). This would give an individual owner, title to ownership and make him economically productive and profitable, from the farming and other uses that he may engage on that piece of land. It would also restrain him from trading off that piece of land because he would be barred through communal accountability.
Land law has been one of the most complex branches of law in Kenya. As of now there are about 40 statutes that deal with land administration, ownership and use (Ndung’u Report, 2004). This makes it difficult for many Kenyans to understand the substantive land law. A need to review and critically look into loopholes in the country’s already existing laws that relate to rights, property and inheritance or bequeathing for example the land laws, in some sense relate to the Succession Law. There is need to remove the grey areas that exists in these laws. Lack of clarity in those laws has rendered many individuals legally landless. Harmonizing Kenya’s land laws as provided in the Kenya’s new Constitution (The Constitution of Kenya, 2010).
Enactment of a squatter settlement law would also provide a way forward in the squatter problem. The squatter bill of 2007 should be enacted. However, it should clarify the wider social and economic objectives of a squatter, with an aim to redress the injustices of colonial forced removals and subsequent historical process of disinheritance or historical denial of access to land or to eradicate poverty and spur economic growth and development.

From the field, the distribution of land among the people living in Nandi East Sub-County is as follows.
Tribe Percentage of ownership of land
1 Nandi 77.3
2 Luhya 9.1
3 Kikuyu 5.4
4 Kisii 4.3
5 Others 3.9
Source; field work
4.18 Developments in smallholder tea production in Nandi East Sub-County from 1964 to 2010The Kenya Tea Development Authority is an important body or agency in the development of smallholder tea sector in Kenya. It is not possible to examine the origin of Kenya Tea Development Authority without first looking at the role played by CDC which was established earlier as a finance agency. The Corporation was established with the objective of increasing agricultural productivity in order to reduce dollar deficits of the United Kingdom and its colonial territories (Swainson, 1980). It aimed at increasing the production of simple manufactured exports to America.

The financial agency acted on a number of different levels in order to raise productivity in the areas of both agriculture and secondary industry in the colonial territories. The plan or the arrangement was that CDC was expected to lend money to the tea companies directly. In 1960, Smallholder Authority Development was formed to coordinate other sources of money including CDC and any other private companies who had shown the interest in investing in the agricultural industries (Swainson, 1980). There was a need to set up an authority that was to coordinate all possible sources of money and allocating them to the development of tea in African areas. The expenses of the authority in nursery development transport, and in providing staff to run the scheme was to be repaid by growers through access on green leaf.

Upon its formation, KTDA was given the task of expanding smallholder tea production by encouraging the planting of approximately 25,000 acres of tea by 1970 (East African Standard 19/8/64). The authority was expected to raise several smallholders from subsistence economy to better standards of living, which would contribute significantly to Kenya’s foreign exchange. It was given the task of introducing tea in the potential areas previously uncultivated.

The formation of KTDA in 1964 was a major boost to the tea sector. The authority was mandated to oversee and support the smallholder tea producers through the provision of inputs and extension services. Moreover, KTDA issued licenses to the farmers, hence bringing them under its control. No one was allowed to grow tea without a license from the authority. The authority had also the responsibility of inspecting the land to be put under tea and conducted supervision during tea planting (William Kibet, O.I, 2018). The authority also inspected and collected tea leaves from the centres and transported it to the factories for processing (KTDA, 1972). At the time of payments, farmers received the money from the corporation after selling their tea to Kenya Tea Development Authority, which in turn sold it through the tea auction at Mombasa (Mukembu, 1993). KTDA was also mandated to give loans to smallholders through the cooperative societies formed by the smallholder tea producers’ .The authority also provided administrative services, and credit terms for fertilizer and any other relevant inputs. The smallholders were expected to pay cess on the green leaf sold through the authority (KTDA, 1972). The credit requirement of smallholder tea growers was determined by the size of the holding and the stage of production.

After the death of President Jomo Kenyatta in 1978, Daniel Arap Moi took over the leadership of government as the second president of the republic of Kenya. Moi’s administration continued with the promotion of smallholder tea production which remained a major source of foreign exchange. One measure taken to improve the tea sector in the area of study was the establishment of more KTDA factories at chemomi and Savani (Johanah Maritim, O. I. 2018). Theses factories were commissioned to process smallholder tea. The establishment of these factories encouraged the farmers in the Nandi East Sub-County to increase the area under tea. Before more factories were established farmers used to pluck their tea on selected days to ease congestion at the factories (William Magut, 2018).

In Nandi East Sub-County, over 80 percent of the smallholder tea producers who were interviewed highlighted the roles of KTDA since its formation in 1964 to the current. Some of the roles that they cited included the provision of fertilizers, collection and transportation of green leaf to the factory, payment of tea after marketing, provision of farm inputs like seedlings, giving licenses permitting tea growing and providing extension services through the organization of farmers open days, among others (Kibet, 2018: Maritim, 2018: Kogei, 2018: Rutto, 2018). KTDA provided licenses to new farmers after conducting inspection on the farms and supervising during planting. In some instances KTDA provided seedlings to farmers at a subsidized price. The smallholder tea producers in Nandi East Sub-County applied for fertilizers through their factories. KTDA purchased fertilizer on behalf of smallholders at subsidized prices. Farmers got the supply in their respective tea buying centres (Tormoi, 2018). KTDA officials carried out regular inspection on the smallholder tea farms to identify the best farms which would be used during field days to train farmers on how to tend and maintain quality tea (KTDA, 1976; KTDA, 1989).

The Authority developed a payment system from the 1980s where by smallholder tea growers were paid a set monthly payment for a kilogramme of green tea delivered in a month and second payment of bonus at the end of each year. This payment was based on the amount the crop fetched at the market. Deductions were also made from this money to recover the transport, input and administrative costs and where applicable loan repayments. The amount paid out to the farmers since 1964 when the corporation started functioning was determined by the strength of the shilling vis-à-vis world currencies like US Dollar and British Starling Pound, among others (Mukembu, 1993). KTDA’S marketing division developed rural access roads in Nandi East Sub-County and organized tea transportation from the factories to the central warehouse in Mombasa since 1964 to be auctioned (KTDA, 1989). In addition, the authority dominated the provision of supplies, collecting green leaf, processing and marketing for smallholders since 1964 to late 1990’s (Nyangito and Kimera, 1999).

Personal encouragement by the President was also important for the growth of the smallholder sector in Nandi East Sub-County. He persuaded local residents to grow tea in order to eradicate poverty and to help them educate their children (Maritim, 2018). Chiefs and assistant chiefs were used to encourage the farmers to plant tea in the area (Tormoi, 2013). People were also given construction materials for establishing tea nurseries as an incentive to encourage them to adopt tea production. During this era, payment for tea was increased and infrastructure was improved in order to encourage people on the same. It was during this period, that most people in Nandi East Sub-County made some effort to increase the land under tea. The increase in the prices for tea and the available free seedlings provided the much needed encouragement for people to grow tea. The annual bonus paid to the farmers and the accessibility to loans by smallholders encouraged the people of Nandi East Sub-County to increase the land under tea and for others to adopt tea production.

The major problems cited by the informants were delay in tea collection, poor transport network and poor coordination in the collection of the green leaf (Tormoi, 2018). Some informants also said that there was a shortage of gunny bags at the tea collection centres which led to congestion and time wastage. This was due to the rapid expansion of smallholder tea production. Over 90 percent of the smallholders interviewed said that they took a lot of time at the tea collection centres waiting for transport. The waiting could even take the whole night and day because of fear that the leaf would be stolen by other farmers (Joyce, O.I. 2018). Most of the time delays would result in a lot of loses for the farmers. After waiting for long at the tea buying centres, green leaf would wilt or rot. Farmers would then be asked to carry the rejected tea and dispose it away from the tea buying centres. This caused a lot of loses for the farmers (Kibet, 2018). Waiting for leaf to be delivered did not allow farmers to engage in any other meaningful economic activities like, food production making them vulnerable.
It has been concluded that at independence the smallholder tea sector got the attention of the independent Government which enacted policies in favour of smallholder tea production. This went hand in hand with land reforms. Land was transferred from the settlers to Africans through the formation of settlement schemes. The entry of smallholders into tea production in Nandi East Sub-County marked the beginning of smallholder tea production in the area. At Kenya’s independence there was a lot of hope for the African smallholder tea production as a result of the formation of Kenya Tea Development Authority through the Kenya Tea Act of 1960. It was also given the responsibility of fostering the development of smallholder tea by introducing tea into new areas and expanding the existing ones.

4.19 Summaries of data analysis, presentation and interpretation.Table 1 Distribution of farmers’ response on continued cultivation of tea
Reason Frequency Percent
1 lack of better alternative 25 34.7
2 fear to change to unknown 13 18.1
3 everybody is growing tea 1 1.4
4 other reasons (source of income 27 37.5
5 Non response 6 8.3
Total 72 100
Source; interviewed residents of Nandi East Sub-County
From the table it indicates that 52.8% of the farmers produces tea simply because there lacks a better alternative or they fear to shift to unknown. 37.5% are comfortable with producing tea as a source of income. Majority of the farmers can drift away from tea production, given an alternative.

On plucking labour, 87.1% of the farmers engaged between 1-5 workers, while 12.9% used 6-10 persons per month for tea operations. Of all the farmers interviewed, 81.8% felt that the number o’f workers they engaged on their farms were adequate while 18.2% of the farmers were of the opinion that the labour they got was not enough. 87.9% of the farmers interviewed said they were able to pay for the labour employed, while 12.1% said that they could not afford to pay for their required labour. 60.6% of the farmers felt that labour was readily available when required, while 39.4% expressed that operation labour was not readily available.

This study found out that approximate 79.2% of the tea farmers relied solely on tea. 21.1% of the famers had an alternative farm activity as source of income. Of all the respondents, 37.9% were growing tea since they lacked a better alternative crop and 19.7% were in tea production since they feared to shift to unknown. Only 40.9% produced tea as a means of income.
Wolterstrff (1983) proposes that people need an environment that supports life, and if money, land and livestock are largely absent poverty is the result. This proposition adequately supports the findings of this study. Our study found that a good number of farmers lack alternative sources of income and fear to shift to other crop enterprises, hence cause poverty. This can be traced to colonial legacy since the British feared competition from African hence created the fear of unknown on Africans especially on wealth generating activities.

Shows the main sources of livelihood in the areas of Nandi East Sub-County visited.

Table 2.

Source: AWSC/KNBS Baseline Survey on Food Security, June 2013.

The findings also show that the sources of livelihood for the respondents in the region were mainly own production (39.4%); casual labor in agriculture and non-agriculture related activities (20.9%); regular monthly salary (17%); trade/small businesses (16%), sale of livestock (3.2%), remittance from relatives (2.1%); help from friends (0.7%) and public help (0.6%). It should, therefore, follow that interventions should centre on improving the output of own production, offer more employment opportunities, and improve infrastructure to enable expanded trade/small businesses.
When the informants were asked if men and women had equal access to land, most men (67%) said “yes” as compared to 33% of the women. Asked what they used land for if they had access, women and men informants mentioned crop farming and livestock keeping and building of rental houses. On crop farming and livestock keeping, a similar proportion (50%) of male and female respondents reported using land for this purpose. The proportion of male respondents who used land for construction of rental houses was 100% but there were no women who used land for this purpose.

CHAPTER FIVESUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary
Farming in Nandi East Sub-County has been affected by a lot of challenges and the problems continue to flood the Nandi East Sub-County farmers in many counties. It has come to the realization that most tea farmers in Nandi East Sub-County encounter the following major problems in the production of quality tea.
Some seasons in the year make the prevalence of diseases to be more popular and make the Nandi East Sub-County farmers to suffer huge loses. The crops continually gets attacks from pests and makes the farmer go huge waste as they attack some parts of whole of the crop making it hard to survive and thrive well. Furthermore, it infects the crops with diseases that completely kill and destroy it. Pest and diseases are very dangerous to crops more especially when they attack crops in large scale basis.
Nandi East Sub-County farmers are experiencing alt of hardships when it comes to the production of huge amounts of tea. Majority of them spend huge amounts of money in trying to get the labor needed to plant and harvest the crops. Labor is becoming more expensive and readily unavailable. The labor that is gotten in most cases does little and the amount of work is much and more.
Nandi East Sub-County farmers get a lot of competition from farmers that are well established making it hard for them to venture into the export market and eventually ending up selling the crops to local industries at a loss. The government should try to look for ways of managing the tough competition from the outside market to ensure that people are secure and safe with farming tea.
Tea farming requires a lot of skills from farmers making it an essential part of life. It has come to the realization that many farmers planet tea in the wrong way hence it grows under the wrong set of planting procedures. It is therefore important for one to be careful when planting to avoid problems in the near future.

Reflecting a period of intense economic growth and social development, the first ten years after Kenya gained independence are often referred to as the “golden years. “Kenya’s gross domestic product (GDP) increased by 6.6 percent, largely due to high commodity prices for traditional exports like coffee and tea, and a significant amount of foreign exchange reserves remained in the country, resulting in an independence-era economic boom. During this time period, social indicators also demonstrated a significant increase in school and university enrolment, life expectancy rose from 44 to 69 years of age, and infant mortality rates per 1,000 live births decreased from 219 to 68 deaths. In comparison to countries across sub-Saharan Africa, Kenya’s markers for economic and social development were thriving in this independence decade up until the year 1973 (Rono 2002).

The 1970s saw a world economic crisis and recession that ushered in a devastating period for Kenya’s economy, which has come to be known as the “lost decade.” Increasing oil prices and decreasing export values, exhausted foreign exchange reserves, the East African Community’s collapse, and rising foreign debt coupled with population growth, urbanization, drought, and poverty had a crippling effect on Kenya’s economy and society from 1973 onwards. When Kenya (and other African countries) faced this threat of bankruptcy, a new development model emerged that would drastically restructure its economy beginning in the mid-1980s. All this also had direct effects on tea growing in Nandi East Sub-county.

SAPs have been widely critiqued and their harmful socio-economic impacts difficult to reverse. Under these economic reforms, Kenya’s debt increased by 362 percent coupled with high interest rate payments, resulting in huge decreases in government spending on social services and welfare sectors. Unemployment levels soared, poverty and inequality increased, and throughout the 1990s Kenya’s GDP had been declining an average of 0.5 percent annually. Despite the failure of SAPs, the cut tea industry in Kenya grew consistently and remains today a key source of foreign exchange, touted by the World Bank as, “one of the rare success stories of non-traditional export development in sub- Saharan Africa” (Andersson, et al. 2005:26). However, because the cut tea industry has not been able to counteract Kenya’s economic decline and also because of its environmental, social, and gendered impacts on everyday life, the level of its success remains highly scrutinized and controversial (ibid. Rono 2002).

“Land is a very emotive issue” (Kibet, 2013), one of the “two mighty rivers of Kenya’s political landscape” (Morton, 1990: 12), and “is our most pressing national problem” (Ochieng, 2013). General discussion is often vague and ill informed. There are widespread complaints about historical injustice, but no solution is offered. As usual historical injustices are the root of a tree that even today bears bitter fruit. The British colonialists divided communities and cleared away the Nandi when they built the Kisumu railway line.

Later, at least 200 families were expelled from the Nandi hills by the British and relocated in Tanzania. They were only permitted to take 10 cows per family and so had to start afresh in Tanzania with very little. Of course they yearned to return to their ancestral lands. But it was not until 40 years later that their descendants returned to discover to their dismay that others occupied their land and that some of those even had registered titles. Also, some wazungu, both Greek and Asian, had built factories but later sold off parcels of the land.

Imagine their bitterness, their hopes dashed! They found themselves strangers and squatters in what they thought were their home. So what started with a railway has ended with continuous conflict. But this is not a one-sided story. Maasai and Sirikwa once occupied land that is now claimed by Nandi.

The current occupants have their own story to tell. Mostly Luo, many have lived in the contested region for scores of years and paid good money for their titles, yet they are said to be unwelcome visitors and told to leave. But where do they go? Why should they leave their homes? Who will compensate them for the money and labour they have sunk into the land? The pain and heartbreak is very real on both sides. Some say the British government must help resolve the problem and are considering legal proceedings. Some say the government should intervene, while others argue that the local political Big Men don’t want to see these issues settled.

Yet others comment that some community leaders resist change and say one thing while doing another. For example, some ladies in the Luo community comment that land titles have not been registered in their names, that title registration is withheld from female owners. So what we have now is a difficult history with fragmented communities. The problems are not merely between the Nandi and Luo but also within both communities and even inside the same villages.

As usual, people suffer while the powerful play. Jane Adoda spoke of the sadness and difficulties of her daily life. “I do not even have ‘maziwa’ for my children, we don’t eat well and our children are suffering.” She knows that other Kenyan citizens enjoy a reasonable life while she struggles on a daily basis for her basic needs. She highlights a major source and symptom of conflict, namely cattle rustling. Of course cattle rustling are not merely a sign of disapproval by one community of another: it is also big business. Not everything is rooted in ethnicity: there is also banditry. There are even rumors that cattle stolen from one section of the Luo community by Nandi thieves are sold back to other Luos.
Whether true or not this story highlights the complexity of the situation and while people talk nothing changes for suffering women and children, the poor and the powerless. Promises have been made but few have been kept. Fatalism and despair threaten to overwhelm the communities. Where does the boundary lie?  The one that existed before the British arrived? Is it the one in the maps shown in 1920s? Or is it where it was in the 1950s, or as at Uhuru? The local Nandi community comments that they are poor people and by welcoming other people from other tribes have been disadvantaged. They are sad and upset when they say, “our Sub-County is porous”. They also recognize they are marginalized, ignored and overlooked by the majority of their own people.

Ignorance is a problem. William Magut commented that most people in this area “are not informed on the issues about land and boundaries”. The cruel reality is that many people from local communities are impoverished, have no employment prospects and are desperate for development. The roads are terrible, markets inaccessible and many basics unavailable. All communities are disadvantaged but many think that others are better off than they. Ben Lelei commented “forums should be carried out throughout the region so that every village is covered and community members heard”. Luka Alex added, “I think that elders from this region should air out their views, they may have ideas that bring harmony between us”. Philip Ruto noted that “some of this people don’t know how to handle problems and instead take action into their own hands, that’s why they fight and the administration fails to act”.

In an effort to eradicate poverty and improve the economic status of people of Nandi East Sub-County, the county and government has introduced a series of measures designed to empower women and youth and increase their participation in the sub-county and country’s development in all sectors. With regard to women, youth, poverty and the economy, significant steps in improving the economic status of community have been made. In particular, the government established a catalytic fund, such as WEF (Women´s Enterprise Fund), YEF (Youth Enterprise Fund) and UF (Uwezo Fund), among others, to help women and youth access to funding for starting or growing their business without difficult conditions. These initiatives are embedded in Vision 2030, which aims to transform Kenya into a newly industrializing middle-income country, providing a high quality of life for its citizens by 2030, in a clean and safe environment. The first and second medium-term plans for 2008-2012 and 2013-2017, respectively emphasized on gender equality and women and youth’s empowerment as key priorities in order to ensure equality between in the society in the access to economic, social and political opportunities. (Vision 2030, 2008)
In spite of the many challenges faced by the sector as outlined in the foregoing sections, tea has remained a major employer in Nandi East Sub-County and in Kenya at large. Between 1963 and 2010, the tea estate sub-sector accounted for an average of 10,000 employees in any one year, equivalent to 19 per cent of total employment in agriculture and forestry activities and about 4 per cent of total employment in Kenya. In terms of gender, 35 per cent of total employments in this commodity chain are males, 55 per cent females and 10 percent are children. Casuals and part-timers constitute 21 per cent of the total, of whom 20 per cent are men and 24 per cent women.
To the 20,000 employed in the tea estate sub-sector should be added the persons working in tea activities either for pay, profit or family gain in the small tea farm/cooperative sub-sector either as regular workers or on a seasonal or casual basis. Such activities cover weeding, spraying, harvesting/picking, sorting and transporting tea to the factory. Other workers are employed in tea factories, milling, marketing and allied activities. As for the smallest units among the smallholders, some 5,000 are self-employed tea growers. When all are accounted for, close to a 100,000 people depend on the tea sector for their living, employed at some stage in the commodity chain.

All Kenyans enjoy constitutional guarantees of freedom of association and the right to form or join labour or employer unions. Kenya has also ratified the Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (No. 98) but not the related Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize Convention, 1948 (No. 87). Representation in social dialogue for tea sector workers is channeled through the Kenya Union of Plantation and Agricultural Workers (KPAWU) whose book membership stands at around 40,000. The major employers belong to the Federation of Kenya Employers through the Tea Plantation Owners and Kenya Tea Growers Association (KTGA) whose mandate is “to coordinate the activities in negotiations with their trade unions”. Hence a legal and institutional framework exists for the purposes of collective bargaining.

Other relevant statutes which define conditions of employment and establish minimum standards for working conditions in the country are:
The Employment Act, Chapter 226 of the Laws of Kenya, 1976, last revised 1984.
Regulation of Wages and Conditions of Employment Act, Chapter 229 of the Laws of Kenya, 1951, last revised 1989.
The Trade Disputes Act, Chapter 234 of the Laws of Kenya, 1965, last revised 1991.
The Industrial Training Act, Chapter 237 of the Laws of Kenya, 1960, last revised 1983.
The Workmen’s Compensation Act, Chapter 236 of the Laws of Kenya, 1949, last revised 1988.
The Factories and other Places of Work Act, Chapter 514, first enacted 1951 last revised 1972.
The National Hospital Insurance Act, Chapter 225, 1966, last revised 1977.
The National Social Security Fund Act, 1965, last revised 1989.
Since May 2001 Kenya’s labour laws have been under extensive review. Among the objectives of the review process is to ensure that legislative measures are in place to give effect to ILO core labour standards.

The most recent collective bargaining agreement (CBA) 2014-2015 between KPAWU and KTGA was signed on 6th May 2015 and contains provisions on pay rates (including rates for overtime and for work on public holidays or rest days); hours of work, leave (including annual leave with transport allowance, compassionate leave, leave for trade union business, maternity leave, and sick leave), acting allowance, housing, and burial expenses. In addition, all have detailed provisions covering probation, the warning system with regard to disciplinary action, termination of contract, redundancy, severance pay, and “gratuity” or service pay upon retirement. The negotiated terms and conditions with regard to basic pay rates and the period of sick leave provided exceed the legal minimum requirements. For example, permanent employees are paid KES 3,390 per month or KES 130.65 per day which is higher than the KES2, 985 set as the minimum wage for a general agricultural worker in the Wage Order.
A large number of tea farm workers are seasonal or casual, hired as the need arises to work during the peak weeding and harvesting seasons. Casualization is encouraged by, among other factors, unpredictable weather conditions, unstable market demand for produce, and labour laws which require that certain benefits, such as notice pay, leave allowances, and medical attention, be provided both to seasonal and permanent employees. For casual workers, piece-rate payment is often applied at KES 13 per kg of tea picked.

Quality of employment is not only determined by pay levels but by a complex array of factors such as working conditions and other benefits that accrue to an employee. While these should be related to the economic position of the enterprise, they should be at least adequate to satisfy the basic needs of the workers and their families.

The standard working week in Kenya is set at 40 hours. However, the CBA under reference provides for 46 hours spread over a six-day work week for all workers except watchmen whose working hours are 70 for a six-day week, after which, for all categories of workers, overtime pay of one-and-a-half times the hourly rate is applied for ordinary days but doubles for public holidays and rest days. There is provision for at least one rest day per week.

The minimum statutory paid annual leave in Kenya is 21 working days. The CBA provides for between 24 and 28 working days and provides for annual leave transport allowance to cover or defray the travel costs of the employee and the family. The CBA also provides paid pro-rata leave for seasonal workers after two months of continuous employment. Compassionate leave, which employees might use in the event of bereavement in the family, is included. Compassionate leave is deducted from annual leave entitlement and a pay advance could be provided for any days worked but not paid.

According to Kenyan legislation, agricultural workers are entitled to 30 days of sick leave per year at full pay and 30 days at half pay. In the CBA an employee is entitled, in any period of 12 months, to full pay for the first 50 days of absence from work due to sickness and 52 days with half pay, subject to producing a medical certificate signed by a recognized medical authority, and an additional unpaid 65 days of absence without loss of past service. A woman employee, however, is entitled to two months of paid maternity leave provided that she relinquishes her right to paid annual leave in that year. These provisions are in accordance with Kenyan legislation. The CBA specifies the woman’s right to three nursing breaks for a limited period following her return to work. The collective agreement provides for paid leave for trade union representatives to attend to union affairs, subject to prior arrangement.

Since the establishment of plantations in Kenya, provision of housing and essential facilities for employees has been considered indispensable. Recruiting and retaining labour on the estates depend to a large degree on the kind of living conditions the estates offer, but in view of the heavy investments required to house workers in this labour-intensive sector, it has been a challenge for plantations to provide adequate accommodation for their employees. The quality of housing varies greatly from one estate to another and living conditions on some plantations are very poor. Trade union representatives cited housing problems as one of the major concerns facing agricultural workers in Kenya.
Section 9 of the Employment Act, Chapter 226 of the Laws of Kenya, provides that “every employer shall at all times, at his own expense, provide reasonable housing accommodation for each of his employees either at or near the place of employment or shall pay to the employee such sufficient sum as rent in addition to wages or salary as will enable such employee to obtain reasonable accommodation; provided that, if by reason of the conditions of employment and wages payable, any person is placed at a disadvantage by the application of this section, the minister may by a notice in the Gazette exclude the application of this section to such person and such person shall instead be dealt with as shall be specified in the notice”.
A legal notice was subsequently issued to the effect that where an employer pays a consolidated wage to an employee, i.e. a wage which includes a component of housing allowance, such an employer would not be expected to provide the employee with housing facilities or pay the employee a separate “sufficient sum as rent in addition” to the employee’s wages.
Employers are obliged by law to provide housing or a housing allowance to employees. Because most permanent workers reside on their respective plantations, their lives and work are inseparable. Considerations with regard to the workers’ health, safety and well-being therefore extend beyond the field and factory to include the home and the services provided for workers and their families.
In most plantation estates in Kenya, the type and size of housing provided to an employee are conditioned by the grade of the employee. In certain cases, housing facilities are provided for the workers themselves but no arrangements are made for their families. In addition, the nature of the housing provided may vary according to the marital status of the worker.

Housing facilities on a number of plantations appeared to be in need of repairs and upgrading to improve the living standards of workers; some houses put up before the independence of Kenya in 1963 should simply be replaced. Workers in some estates are housed in rows of brick built quarters with shared toilet facilities and water points, whereas in others, grass-thatched mud houses are still common.
In some of the estates visited, sanitation was a cause for serious concern among the residents. Workers complained of poor or non-existent sanitation made worse by congestion in the living quarters. In the lower grade housing estates, one pit latrine was shared by several families while drainage systems were non-existent in a majority of the cases. In some instances, employees had to draw water from nearby rivers and streams due to the absence of piped water. Cases of waterborne diseases were cited quite frequently among the employees living in such situations.
Only a small portion of workers are housed. Many have to travel long distances to work, and at the time of the field visits housing allowances of KES 650 per month 23 were lower than going local rents. Matters revolving around housing and sanitation remain crucial to their economic success and social development, given the close relationship between housing conditions and workers’ health.

Due to the hazardous nature of agricultural occupations and the often remote location of plantations, access to medical care is a critical employment benefit for plantation workers. Employers have traditionally provided basic medical care on the plantations, in the form of dispensaries or clinics to treat minor illnesses or injury. Referral cases are handled in better equipped government and private hospitals. The employer is responsible for providing transportation to the hospital.
The CBA contains provisions concerning medical treatment for employees. With regard to occupational injuries, the Workmen’s Compensation Act applies. The collective agreement covered medical care only for employees. Family members are not entitled to medical treatment under the terms of the agreements, although those residing on the plantations are entitled to transportation to hospital in the event of illness or injury.

Article 1 of the ILO Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138), ratified by Kenya in 1979, states that ratifying Members shall undertake to “pursue a national policy designed to ensure the effective abolition of child labour and to raise progressively the minimum age for admission to employment or work to a level consistent with the fullest physical and mental development of young person’s”. At the time of ratification, Kenya declared 16 years to be the minimum age for admission to employment or work. Internationally, however, “children” are defined as persons aged below 18 years of age and “child labourers” are children engaged in occupational activities in lieu of schooling and personal development.
A decade or so ago, a significant portion of casual workers in commercial agriculture were below the legal age for employment. A 1996 case study found that child wage labour was found predominantly on commercial agricultural plantations where children were estimated to account for 20 to 30 per cent of the casual labour force. During the peak harvest season, for example, up to 30 per cent of the tea pickers were under 15. 24
The factors 25 that seem to cause child labour in the districts include:
Instigation by parents (40.2 per cent);
Felt needs of the child to become self-reliant (33 per cent);
Desire to augment household income (21.3 per cent);
Peer pressure (4.9 per cent); and
Others (0.6 per cent).
Most child laborers work to augment their household income as the majority of working children come from low-income groups and poor families. A small portion of child laborers tend to drop out of school because their parents think that education is irrelevant.
However, in recent years, employers have been particularly sensitized to the need for the elimination of child labour. Many tea growers have policies against child labour, require a national identity card as proof of age at the time of recruitment and they post notices at convenient points to the effect that they do not hire under age youth at all. Trade union representatives confirmed that child labour was not a major problem in large estates but that certain types of payment systems were seen to encourage child labour, for example, payment upon completion of a task unit, wherein the task unit was at the limit or beyond the capacity of a single adult worker to achieve within a working day. When payment was based on the weight of produce harvested or the number of linear metres weeded or planted, adult workers might be tempted to use the labour of family members, including children, to augment the family earnings. Employers should “look beyond the contract” to see how the job was being done.
The major factor that has stopped even the “lorrying” of children from villages and shopping centres to pick tea in plantations is the provision of free primary education by the Government since 2003. The Sub County Director of Education is also on the lookout for parents who do not send their children to school.

5.2 ConclusionsColonialism impacted the Nandi East Sub-County socially and economically both positively and negatively. Some of the positive social and economic impacts included the introduction of Christianity which brought about more religious mission opportunities. Most of the missionaries introduced education in Nandi East Sub-County by establishing mission schools to educate the local people and helped them to learn more about their land and culture. The Europeans defended the Nandi East Sub-County community against their enemies or gave them weapons to enable them defend themselves whenever they were attacked by their enemies and this made some of the people feel safer.
The Europeans brought new technology to Nandi East Sub-County; they were provided with tools for farming and introduced new crops like maize and tea from the New World. They built more infrastructures like medical facilities, transport and communication network, schools and established plantations for the growing of cash crops tea. Many Africans in Nandi East Sub-County learned the languages of their colonial masters English which has given them more advantage to be able to communicate in the present globalised world without any difficulties.
Colonialism also made the world aware of Nandi East Sub-County’s rich culture although they adopted some the European culture and introducing the Sub-County to trade on the international markets. New goods including household goods were introduced to Nandi East Sub-County. More African in Nandi East Sub-County jobs was created and some of the people learnt new trade making especially the tribal groups that sided with Europeans richer. More stronger and better institutions were established to govern the people which they exist in most of the part of the country till today.

Colonialism caused the dispersion of natives in Nandi East Sub-County. Some of the natives in Nandi East Sub-County who could not stand the suffering which they were being subjected to had to flee their lands to different lands in search of better lives, others went up to Tanzania. Others who remained in their land were made destitute. The colonialists had power over all the things in the Nandi East Sub-County. They took over pieces of land which belonged to the natives and made them dependent on their masters. Due to this many natives in Nandi East Sub-County were subjected to extreme need of a means of subsistence. Colonialism caused the death of a lot of natives. The harsh living conditions at that time drove many natives to flee from their homes and in the process sent them to their graves. Others died as a result of the hardship and destitution which they were subjected to by the colonial masters. The natives, who were free men, became slaves in their land.

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Appendix I: Nandi County Map
Source: www.kenyampya.com/index.php?County=Nandi